PHILADELPHIA 1726-1757 by Benjamin Franklin _Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion_ IN TWO PARTS. Here will I hold ------ If there is a Pow'r above us (And that there is, all Nature cries aloud, Thro' all her Works), He must delight in Virtue And that which he delights in must be Happy. Cato. PART I. Philada. Nov. 20 1728. First Principles I believe there is one Supreme most perfect Being, Author and Father of the Gods themselves. For I believe that Man is not the most perfect Being but One, rather that as there are many Degrees of Beings his Inferiors, so there are many Degrees of Beings superior to him. Also, when I stretch my Imagination thro' and beyond our System of Planets, beyond the visible fix'd Stars themselves, into that Space that is every Way infinite, and conceive it fill'd with Suns like ours, each with a Chorus of Worlds for ever moving round him, then this little Ball on which we move, seems, even in my narrow Imagination, to be almost Nothing, and my self less than nothing, and of no sort of Consequence. When I think thus, I imagine it great Vanity in me to suppose, that the _Supremely Perfect_, does in the least regard such an inconsiderable Nothing as Man. More especially, since it is impossible for me to have any positive clear Idea of that which is infinite and incomprehensible, I cannot conceive otherwise, than that He, _the Infinite Father_, expects or requires no Worship or Praise from us, but that he is even INFINITELY ABOVE IT. But since there is in all Men something like a natural Principle which enclines them to DEVOTION or the Worship of some unseen Power; And since Men are endued with Reason superior to all other Animals that we are in our World acquainted with; Therefore I think it seems required of me, and my Duty, as a Man, to pay Divine Regards to SOMETHING. I CONCEIVE then, that the INFINITE has created many Beings or Gods, vastly superior to Man, who can better conceive his Perfections than we, and return him a more rational and glorious Praise. As among Men, the Praise of the Ignorant or of Children, is not regarded by the ingenious Painter or Architect, who is rather honour'd and pleas'd with the Approbation of Wise men and Artists. It may be that these created Gods, are immortal, or it may be that after many Ages, they are changed, and Others supply their Places. Howbeit, I conceive that each of these is exceeding wise, and good, and very powerful; and that Each has made for himself, one glorious Sun, attended with a beautiful and admirable System of Planets. It is that particular wise and good God, who is the Author and Owner of our System, that I propose for the Object of my Praise and Adoration. For I conceive that he has in himself some of those Passions he has planted in us, and that, since he has given us Reason whereby we are capable of observing his Wisdom in the Creation, he is not above caring for us, being pleas'd with our Praise, and offended when we slight Him, or neglect his Glory. I conceive for many Reasons that he is a _good Being_, and as I should be happy to have so wise, good and powerful a Being my Friend, let me consider in what Manner I shall make myself most acceptable to him. Next to the Praise due, to his Wisdom, I believe he is pleased and delights in the Happiness of those he has created; and since without Virtue Man (*) can have no Happiness in this World, I firmly believe he delights to see me Virtuous, because he is pleas'd when he sees me Happy. (*) See Junto Paper of Good and Evil, &c. And since he has created many Things which seem purely design'd for the Delight of Man, I believe he is not offended when he sees his Children solace themselves in any manner of pleasant Exercises and innocent Delights, and I think no Pleasure innocent that is to Man hurtful. I _love_ him therefore for his Goodness and I _adore_ him for his Wisdom. Let me then not fail to praise my God continually, for it is his Due, and it is all I can return for his many Favours and great Goodness to me; and let me resolve to be virtuous, that I may be happy, that I may please Him, who is delighted to see me happy. Amen. 1. Adoration. 2. Petition. 3. Thanks. Prel. Being mindful that before I address the DEITY, my Soul ought to be calm and Serene, free from Passion and Perturbation, or otherwise elevated with Rational Joy and Pleasure, I ought to use a Countenance that expresses a filial Respect, mixt with a kind of Smiling, that signifies inward Joy, and Satisfaction, and Admiration. O wise God, My good Father, Thou beholdest the Sincerity of my Heart, And of my Devotion; Grant me a Continuance of thy Favour! (1) Powerful Goodness, &c. O Creator, O Father, I believe that thou art Good, and that thou art _pleas'd with the Pleasure_ of thy Children. Praised be thy Name for Ever. (2) By thy Power hast thou made the glorious Sun, with his attending Worlds; from the Energy of thy mighty Will they first received their prodigious Motion, and by thy Wisdom hast thou prescribed the wondrous Laws by which they move. Praised be thy Name for ever. (3) By thy Wisdom hast thou formed all Things, Thou hast created Man, bestowing Life and Reason, and plac'd him in Dignity superior to thy other earthly Creatures. Praised be thy Name for ever. (4) Thy Wisdom, thy Power, and thy GOODNESS are every where clearly seen; in the Air and in the Water, in the Heavens and on the Earth; Thou providest for the various winged Fowl, and the innumerable Inhabitants of the Water; Thou givest Cold and Heat, Rain and Sunshine in their Season, and to the Fruits of the Earth Increase. Praised be thy Name for ever. (5) I believe thou hast given Life to thy Creatures that they might Live, and art not delighted with violent Death and bloody Sacrifices. Praised be thy Name for Ever. (6) Thou abhorrest in thy Creatures Treachery and Deceit, Malice, Revenge, Intemperance and every other hurtful Vice; but Thou art a Lover of Justice and Sincerity, of Friendship, Benevolence and every Virtue. Thou art my Friend, my Father, and my Benefactor. Praised be thy Name, O God, for Ever. Amen. After this, it will not be improper to read part of some such Book as Ray's Wisdom of God in the Creation or Blacmore on the Creation, or the Archbishop of Cambray's Demonstration of the Being of a God; &c. or else spend some Minutes in a serious Silence, contemplating on those Subjects. Then Sing Milton's Hymn to the Creator These are thy Glorious Works, Parent of Good! Almighty: Thine this Universal Frame, Thus wondrous fair! Thy self how wondrous then! Speak ye who best can tell, Ye Sons of Light, Angels, for ye behold him, and with Songs, And Choral Symphonies , Day without Night Circle his Throne rejoicing. You in Heav'n, On Earth, join all Ye Creatures to extol Him first, him last, him midst and without End. Fairest of Stars, last in the Train of Night, If rather thou belongst not to the Dawn, Sure Pledge of Day! That crown'st the smiling Morn With thy bright Circlet; Praise him in thy Sphere While Day arises, that sweet Hour of Prime. Thou Sun, of this Great World both Eye and Soul Acknowledge Him thy Greater, Sound his Praise In thy Eternal Course; both when thou climb'st, And when high Noon hast gain'd, and when thou fall'st. Moon! that now meet'st the orient Sun, now fly'st With the fix'd Stars, fix'd in their Orb that flies, And ye five other Wandring Fires, that move In mystic Dance, not without Song, resound His Praise, that out of Darkness call'd up Light. Air! and ye Elements! the Eldest Birth Of Nature's Womb, that in Quaternion run Perpetual Circle, multiform; and mix And nourish all Things, let your ceaseless Change Vary to our great Maker still new Praise. Ye Mists and Exhalations! that now rise From Hill or steaming Lake, dusky or grey, Till the Sun paint your fleecy Skirts with Gold, In Honour to the World's Great Author rise. Whether to deck with Clouds th' uncolour'd Sky Or wet the thirsty Earth with falling Show'rs, Rising or falling still advance his Praise. His Praise, ye Winds! that from 4 Quarters blow, Breathe soft or loud; and wave your Tops ye Pines! With every Plant, in Sign of Worship wave. Fountains! and ye that warble as ye flow Melodious Murmurs, warbling tune his Praise. Join Voices all ye living Souls, ye Birds! That singing, up to Heav'n's high Gate ascend, Bear on your Wings, and in your Notes his Praise. Ye that in Waters glide! and ye that walk The Earth! and stately Tread, or lowly Creep; Witness _if I be silent_, Ev'n orain or Fresh Shade, Made Vocal by my Song, and taught his Praise. Here follows the Reading of some Book or part of a Book Discoursing on and exciting to MORAL VIRTUR Petition. Prel. In as much as by Reason of our Ignorance We cannot be Certain that many Things Which we often hear mentioned in the Petitions of Men to the Deity, would prove REAL GOODS if they were in our Possession, and as I have Reason to hope and believe that the Goodness of my Heavenly Father will not withold from me a suitable Share of Temporal Blessings, if by a VIRTUOUS and HOLY Life I merit his Favour and Kindness, Therefore I presume not to ask such Things, but rather Humbly, and with a sincere Heart express my earnest Desires that he would graciously assist my Continual Endeavours and Resolutions of eschewing Vice and embracing Virtue; Which kind of Supplications will at least be thus far beneficial, as they remind me in a solemn manner of my Extensive DUTY. That I may be preserved from Atheism and Infidelity, Impiety and Profaneness, and in my Addresses to Thee carefully avoid Irreverence and Ostentation, Formality and odious Hypocrisy, Help me, O Father That I may be loyal to my Prince, and faithful to my Country, careful for its Good, valiant in its Defence, and obedient to its Laws, abhorring Treason as much as Tyranny, Help me, O Father That I may to those above me be dutiful, humble, and submissive, avoiding Pride, Disrespect and Contumacy, Help me, O Father That I may to those below me, be gracious, Condescending and Forgiving, using Clemency, protecting _Innocent Distress_, avoiding Cruelty, Harshness and Oppression, Insolence and unreasonable Severity, Help me, O Father That I may refrain from Calumny and Detraction; that I may avoid and abhor Deceit and Envy, Fraud, Flattery and Hatred, Malice, Lying and Ingratitude, Help me, O Father That I may be sincere in Friendship, faithful in Trust, and impartial in Judgment, watchful against Pride, and against Anger (that momentary Madness), Help me, O Father That I may be just in all my Dealings and temperate in my Pleasures, full of Candour and Ingenuity, Humanity and Benevolence, Help me, O Father That I may be grateful to my Benefactors and generous to my Friends, exerting Charity and Liberality to the Poor, and Pity to the Miserable, Help me, O Father That I may avoid Avarice, Ambition, and Intemperance, Luxury and Lasciviousness, Help me, O Father That I may possess Integrity and Evenness of Mind, Resolution in Difficulties, and Fortitude under Affliction; that I may be punctual in performing my Promises, peaceable and prudent in my Behaviour, Help me, O Father That I may have Tenderness for the Weak, and a reverent Respect for the Ancient; That I may be kind to my Neighbours, good-natured to my Companions, and hospitable to Strangers, Help me, O Father That I may be averse to Craft and Overreaching, abhor Extortion, Perjury, and every kind of Wickedness, Help me, O Father That I may be honest and Openhearted, gentle, merciful and Good, chearful in Spirit, rejoicing in the Good of Others, Help me, O Father That I may have a constant Regard to Honour and Probity; That I may possess a perfect Innocence and a good Conscience, and at length become Truly Virtuous and Magnanimous, Help me, Good God, Help me, O Father And forasmuch as Ingratitude is one of the most odious of Vices, let me not be unmindful gratefully to acknoledge the Favours I receive from Heaven. Thanks. For Peace and Liberty, for Food and Raiment, for Corn and Wine, and Milk, and every kind of Healthful Nourishment, _Good God, I Thank thee._ For the Common Benefits of Air and Light, for useful Fire and delicious Water, _Good God, I Thank thee._ For Knowledge and Literature and every useful Art; for my Friends and their Prosperity, and for the fewness of my Enemies, _Good God, I Thank thee._ For all thy innumerable Benefits; For Life and Reason, and the Use of Speech, for Health and Joy and every Pleasant Hour, _my Good God, I thank thee._ End of the first Part. _Epitaph_ The Body of B. Franklin, Printer; Like the Cover of an old Book, Its Contents torn out, And stript of its Lettering and Gilding, Lies here, Food for Worms. But the Work shall not be wholly lost: For it will, as he believ'd, appear once more, In a new & more perfect Edition, Corrected and amended By the Author. He was born Jan. 6. 1706. Died 17 1728 _The Busy-Body, No. 1_ Mr. _Andrew Bradford_, I design this to acquaint you, that I, who have long been one of your _Courteous Readers_, have lately entertain'd some Thoughts of setting up for an Author my Self; not out of the least Vanity, I assure you, or Desire of showing my Parts, but purely for the Good of my Country. I have often observ'd with Concern, that your _Mercury_ is not always equally entertaining. The Delay of Ships expected in, and want of fresh Advices from _Europe_, make it frequently very Dull; and I find the Freezing of our River has the same Effect on News as on Trade. -- With more Concern have I continually observ'd the growing Vices and Follies of my Country-folk. And tho' Reformation is properly the concern of every Man; that is, _Every one ought to mend One_; yet 'tis too true in this Case, that _what is every Body's Business is no Body's Business_, and the Business is done accordingly. I, therefore, upon mature Deliberation, think fit to take _no Body's Business_ wholly into my own Hands; and, out of Zeal for the Publick Good, design to erect my Self into a Kind of _Censor Morum_; proposing with your Allowance, to make Use of the _Weekly Mercury_ as a Vehicle in which my Remonstrances shall be convey'd to the World. I am sensible I have, in this Particular, undertaken a very unthankful Office, and expect little besides my Labour for my Pains. Nay, 'tis probable I may displease a great Number of your Readers, who will not very well like to pay 10 s a Year for being told of their Faults. But as most People delight in Censure when they themselves are not the Objects of it, if any are offended at my publickly exposing their private Vices, I promise they shall have the Satisfaction, in a very little Time, of seeing their good Friends and Neighbours in the same Circumstances. However, let the Fair Sex be assur'd, that I shall always treat them and their Affairs with the utmost _Decency_ and Respect. I intend now and then to dedicate a Chapter wholly to their Service; and if my Lectures any Way contribute to the Embellishment of their Minds, and Brightning of their Understandings, without offending their _Modesty_, I doubt not of having their Favour and Encouragement. 'Tis certain, that no Country in the World produces naturally finer Spirits than ours, Men of Genius for every kind of Science, and capable of acquiring to Perfection every Qualification that is in Esteem among Mankind. But as few here have the Advantage of good Books, for want of which, good Conversation is still more scarce, it would doubtless have been very acceptable to your Readers, if, instead of an old out-of-date Article from _Muscovy_ or _Hungary_, you had entertained them with some well-chosen Extract from a good Author. This I shall sometimes do, _when I happen to have nothing of my own to say that I think of more Consequence._ Sometimes, I propose to deliver Lectures of Morality or Philosophy, and (because I am naturally enclin'd to be meddling with Things that don't concern me) perhaps I may sometimes talk Politicks. And if I can by any means furnish out a Weekly Entertainment for the Publick, that will give a rational Diversion, and at the same Time be instructive to the Readers, I shall think my Leisure Hours well employ'd: And if you publish this I hereby invite all ingenious Gentlemen and others, (that approve of such an Undertaking) to my Assistance and Correspondence. 'Tis like by this Time you have a Curiosity to be acquainted with my Name and Character. As I do not aim at publick Praise I design to remain concealed; and there are such Numbers of our Family and Relations at this Time in the Country, that tho' I've sign'd my Name at full Length, I am not under the least Apprehension of being distinguish'd and discover'd by it. My Character indeed I would favour you with, but that I am cautious of praising my Self, lest I should be told _my Trumpeter's dead_: And I cannot find in my Heart, at present, to say any Thing to my own Disadvantage. It is very common with Authors in their First Performances to talk to their Readers thus, _If this meets with a SUITABLE _Reception_; Or, _If this should meet with DUE _Encouragement, I shall hereafter publish, &c._ This only manifests the Value they put on their own Writings, since they think to frighten the Publick into their Applause, by threatning, that unless you approve what they have already wrote, they intend never to write again; when perhaps, it mayn't be a Pin Matter whether they ever do or no. As I have not observ'd the Criticks to be more favourable on this Account, I shall always avoid saying any Thing of the Kind; and conclude with telling you, that if you send me a Bottle of Ink and a Quire of Paper by the Bearer, you may depend on hearing further from SIR, Your most humble Servant _The Busy Body._ _No 1_. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 4, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 2_ _All Fools have still an Itching to deride; And fain would be upon the laughing Side._ Pope. Monsieur _Rochefocaut_ tells us somewhere in his Memoirs, that the Prince of _Conde_ delighted much in Ridicule; and us'd frequently to shut himself up for Half a Day together in his Chamber with a Gentleman that was his Favourite, purposely to divert himself with examining what was the Foible or ridiculous side of every Noted Person in the Court. That Gentleman said afterwards in some Company, that he thought nothing was more ridiculous in any Body, than this same Humour in the Prince; and I am somewhat inclin'd to be of his Opinion. The General Tendency there is among us to this Embellishment, (which I fear has too often been grossly imposed upon my loving Countrymen instead of Wit) and the Applause it meets with from a rising Generation, fill me with fearful Apprehensions for the future Reputation of my Country: A young Man of Modesty (which is the most certain Indication of large Capacities) is hereby discourag'd from attempting to make any Figure in Life: His Apprehensions of being out-laugh'd, will force him to continue in a restless Obscurity, without having an Opportunity of knowing his own Merit himself, or discovering it to the World, rather than venture to expose himself in a Place where a Pun or a Sneer shall pass for Wit, Noise for Reason, and the Strength of the Argument be judg'd by that of the Lungs. Among these witty Gentlemen let us take a View of _Ridentius_: What a contemptible Figure does he make with his Train of paultry Admirers? This Wight shall give himself an Hours Diversion with the Cock of a Man's Hat, the Heels of his Shoes, an unguarded Expression in his Discourse, or even some Personal Defect; and the Height of his low Ambition is to put some One of the Company to the Blush, who perhaps must pay an equal Share of the Reckoning with himself. If such a Fellow makes Laughing the sole End and Purpose of his Life, if it is necessary to his Constitution, or if he has a great Desire of growing suddenly fat, let him treat; let him give publick Notice where any dull stupid Rogues may get a Quart of Four-penny for being laugh'd at; but 'tis barbarously unhandsome, when Friends meet for the Benefit of Conversation, and a proper Relaxation from Business, that one should be the _Butt_ of the Company, and Four Men made merry at the Cost of the Fifth. How different from this Character is that of the good-natur'd gay _Eugenius_? who never spoke yet but with a Design to divert and please; and who was never yet baulk'd in his Intention. _Eugenius_ takes more Delight in applying the Wit of his Friends, than in being admir'd himself: And if any one of the Company is so unfortunate as to be touch'd a little too nearly, he will make Use of some ingenious Artifice to turn the Edge of Ridicule another Way, chusing rather to make even himself a publick Jest, than be at the Pain of seeing his Friend in Confusion. Among the Tribe of Laughers I reckon the _pretty Gentlemen_ that write _Satyrs_, and carry them about in their Pockets, reading them themselves in all Company they happen into; taking an Advantage of the ill Taste of the Town, to make themselves famous for a Pack of paultry low Nonsence, for which they deserve to be kick'd, rather than admir'd, by all who have the least Tincture of Politeness. These I take to be the most incorrigible of all my Readers; nay I expect they will be squibbing at the _BUSY-BODY_ himself: However the only Favour he begs of them is this; that if they cannot controul their over-bearing Itch of _Scribbling_, let him be attack'd in down right _BITING LYRICKS_; for there is no _Satyr_ he Dreads half so much as an Attempt towards a Panegyrick. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 11, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 3_ _Non vultus instantis Tyranni Mente quatit solida -- neque Auster Dux inquieti turbidus Adriae, Nec fulminantis magna Jovis manus._ Hor. It is said that the _Persians_ in their ancient Constitution, had publick Schools in which Virtue was taught as a Liberal Art or Science; and it is certainly of more Consequence to a Man that he has learnt to govern his Passions; in spite of Temptation to be just in his Dealings, to be Temperate in his Pleasures, to support himself with Fortitude under his Misfortunes, to behave with Prudence in all Affairs and in every Circumstance of Life; I say, it is of much more real Advantage to him to be thus qualified, than to be a Master of all the Arts and Sciences in the World beside. _Virtue alone is sufficient to make a Man Great, Glorious and Happy._ -- He that is acquainted with _CATO_, as I am, cannot help thinking as I do now, and will acknowledge he deserves the Name without being honour'd by it. _Cato_ is a Man whom Fortune has plac'd in the most obscure Part of the Country. His Circumstances are such as only put him above Necessity, without affording him many Superfluities; Yet who is greater than _Cato_? -- I happened but the other Day to be at a House in Town, where among others were met Men of the most Note in this Place: _Cato_ had Business with some of them, and knock'd at the Door. The most trifling Actions of a Man, in my Opinion, as well as the smallest Features and Lineaments of the Face, give a nice Observer some Notion of his Mind. Methought he rapp'd in such a peculiar Manner, as seem'd of itself to express, there was One who deserv'd as well as desir'd Admission. He appear'd in the plainest Country Garb; his Great Coat was coarse and looked old and thread-bare; his Linnen was homespun; his Beard perhaps of Seven Days Growth, his Shoes thick and heavy, and every Part of his Dress corresponding. Why was this Man receiv'd with such concurring Respect from every Person in the Room, even from those who had never known him or seen him before? It was not an exquisite Form of Person, or Grandeur of Dress that struck us with Admiration. I believe long Habits of Virtue have a sensible Effect on the Countenance: There was something in the Air of his Face that manifested the true Greatness of his Mind; which likewise appear'd in all he said, and in every Part of his Behaviour, obliging us to regard him with a Kind of Veneration. His Aspect is sweetned with Humanity and Benevolence, and at the same Time emboldned with Resolution, equally free from a diffident Bashfulness and an unbecoming Assurance. The Consciousness of his own innate Worth and unshaken Integrity renders him calm and undaunted in the Presence of the most Great and Powerful, and upon the most extraordinary Occasions. His strict Justice and known Impartiality make him the Arbitrator and Decider of all Differences that arise for many Miles around him, without putting his Neighbours to the Charge, Perplexity and Uncertainty of Law-Suits. He always speaks the Thing he means, which he is never afraid or asham'd to do, because he knows he always means well; and therefore is never oblig'd to blush and feel the Confusion of finding himself detected in the Meanness of a Falshood. He never contrives Ill against his Neighbour, and therefore is never seen with a lowring suspicious Aspect. A mixture of Innocence and Wisdom makes him ever seriously chearful. His generous Hospitality to Strangers according to his Ability, his Goodness, his Charity, his Courage in the Cause of the Oppressed, his Fidelity in Friendship, his Humility, his Honesty and Sincerity, his Moderation and his Loyalty to the Government, his Piety, his Temperance, his Love to Mankind, his Magnanimity, his Publick-spiritedness, and in fine, his _Consummate Virtue_, make him justly deserve to be esteem'd the Glory of his Country. ------ _The Brave do never shun the Light, Just are their Thoughts and open are their Tempers; Freely without Disguise they love and hate; Still are they found in the fair Face of Day, And Heaven and Men are Judges of their Actions._ Rowe. Who would not rather chuse, if it were in his Choice, to merit the above Character, than be the richest, the most learned, or the most powerful Man in the Province without it? Almost every Man has a strong natural Desire of being valu'd and esteem'd by the rest of his Species; but I am concern'd and griev'd to see how few fall into the Right and only infallible Method of becoming so. That laudable Ambition is too commonly misapply'd and often ill employ'd. Some to make themselves considerable pursue Learning, others grasp at Wealth, some aim at being thought witty, and others are only careful to make the most of an handsome Person; But what is Wit, or Wealth, or Form, or Learning when compar'd with Virtue? 'Tis true, we love the handsome, we applaud the Learned, and we fear the Rich and Powerful; but we even Worship and adore the Virtuous. -- Nor is it strange; since Men of Virtue, are so rare, so very rare to be found. If we were as industrious to become Good, as to make ourselves Great, we should become really Great by being Good, and the Number of valuable Men would be much increased; but it is a Grand Mistake to think of being Great without Goodness; and I pronounce it as certain, _that there was never yet a truly Great Man that was not at the same Time truly Virtuous._ O _Cretico_! Thou sowre Philosopher! Thou cunning States-man! Thou art crafty, but far from being Wise. When wilt thou be esteem'd, regarded and belov'd like _Cato_? When wilt thou, among thy Creatures meet with that unfeign'd Respect and warm Good-will that all Men have for him? Wilt thou never understand that the cringing, mean, submissive Deportment of thy Dependants, is (like the Worship paid by _Indians_ to the Devil) rather thro' Fear of the Harm thou may'st do to them, than out of Gratitude for the Favours they have receiv'd of thee? -- Thou art not wholly void of Virtue; there are many good Things in thee, and many good Actions reported of thee. Be advised by thy Friend: Neglect those musty Authors; let them be cover'd with Dust, and moulder on their proper Shelves; and do thou apply thy self to a Study much more profitable, The Knowledge of Mankind, and of thy Self. _This is to give Notice that the BUSY-BODY strictly forbids all Persons, from this Time forward, of what Age, Sex, Rank, Quality, Degree or Denomination soever, on any Pretence to enquire who is the Author of this Paper, on Pain of his Displeasure, (his own near and Dear Relations only excepted)._ _'Tis to be observ'd that if any bad Characters happen to be drawn in the Course of these Papers, they mean no particular Person, if they are not particularly apply'd._ _Likewise that the Author is no Partyman, but a general Meddler._ N. B. Cretico _lives in a neighbouring Province_. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 18, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 4_ _Nequid nimis._ In my first Paper I invited the Learned and the Ingenious to join with me in this Undertaking; and I now repeat that Invitation. I would have such Gentlemen take this Opportunity, (by trying their Talent in Writing) of diverting themselves and their Friends, and improving the Taste of the Town. And because I would encourage all Wit of our own Growth and Produce, I hereby promise, that whoever shall send me a little Essay on some moral or other Subject, that is fit for publick View in this Manner (and not basely borrow'd from any other Author) I shall receive it with Candour, and take Care to place it to the best Advantage. It will be hard if we cannot muster up in the whole Country, a sufficient Stock of Sense to supply the _Busy-Body_ at least for a Twelvemonth. For my own Part, I have already profess'd that I have the Good of my Country wholly at Heart in this Design, without the least sinister View; my chief Purpose being to inculcate the noble Principles of Virtue, and depreciate Vice of every kind. But as I know the Mob hate Instruction, and the Generality would never read beyond the first Line of my Lectures, if they were usually fill'd with nothing but wholesome Precepts and Advice; I must therefore sometimes humour them in their own Way. There are a Set of Great Names in the Province, who are the common Objects of Popular Dislike. If I can now and then overcome my Reluctance, and prevail with my self to Satyrize a little, one of these Gentlemen, the Expectation of meeting with such a Gratification, will induce many to read me through, who would otherwise proceed immediately to the Foreign News. As I am very well assured that the greatest Men among us have a sincere Love for their Country, notwithstanding its Ingratitude, and the Insinuations of the Envious and Malicious to the contrary, so I doubt not but they will chearfully tolerate me in the Liberty I design to take for the End above mentioned. As yet I have but few Correspondents, tho' they begin now to increase. The following Letter, left for me at the Printers, is one of the first I have receiv'd, which I regard the more for that it comes from one of the Fair Sex, and because I have my self oftentimes suffer'd under the Grievance therein complain'd of. _To the Busy-Body._ _Sir,_ `You having set your self up for a _Censuror Morum_ (as I think you call it) which is said to mean a _Reformer of Manners_, I know no Person more proper to be apply'd to for Redress in all the Grievances we suffer from _Want of Manners_ in some People. You must know I am a single Woman, and keep a Shop in this Town for a Livelyhood. There is a certain Neighbour of mine, who is really agreeable Company enough, and with whom I have had an Intimacy of some Time standing; But of late she makes her Visits so excessively often, and stays so very long every Visit, that I am tir'd out of all Patience. I have no Manner of Time at all to my self; and you, who seem to be a wise Man, must needs be sensible that every Person has little Secrets and Privacies that are not proper to be expos'd even to the nearest Friend. Now I cannot do the least Thing in the World, but she must know all about it; and it is a Wonder I have found an Opportunity to write you this Letter. My Misfortune is, that I respect her very well, and know not how to disoblige her so much as to tell her I should be glad to have less of her Company; for if I should once hint such a Thing, I am afraid she would resent it so as never to darken my Door again. -- But, alas, Sir, I have not yet told you half my Afflictions. She has two Children that are just big enough to run about and do pretty Mischief: These are continually along with _Mamma_, either in my Room or Shop, if I have never so many Customers or People with me about Business. Sometimes they pull the Goods off my low Shelves down to the Ground, and perhaps where one of them has just been making Water; My Friend takes up the Stuff, and cries, _Eh! thou little wicked mischievous Rogue! -- But however, it has done no great Damage; 'tis only wet a little_; and so puts it up upon the Shelf again. Sometimes they get to my Cask of Nails behind the Counter, and divert themselves, to my great Vexation, with mixing my Ten-penny and Eight-penny and Four-penny together. I Endeavour to conceal my Uneasiness as much as possible, and with a grave Look go to Sorting them out. She cries, _Don't thee trouble thy self, Neighbour: Let them play a little; I'll put all to rights my self before I go._ But Things are never so put to rights but that I find a great deal of Work to do after they are gone. Thus, Sir, I have all the Trouble and Pesterment of Children, without the Pleasure of -- calling them my own; and they are now so us'd to being here that they will be content no where else. If she would have been so kind as to have moderated her Visits to ten times a Day, and stay'd but half an hour at a Time, I should have been contented, and I believe never have given you this Trouble: But this very Morning they have so tormented me that I could bear no longer; For while the Mother was asking me twenty impertinent Questions, the youngest got to my Nails, and with great Delight rattled them by handfuls all over the Floor; and the other at the same Time made such a terrible Din upon my Counter with a Hammer, that I grew half distracted. I was just then about to make my self a new Suit of Pinners, but in the Fret and Confusion I cut it quite out of all Manner of Shape, and utterly spoil'd a Piece of the first Muslin. Pray, Sir, tell me what I shall do. And talk a little against such unreasonable Visiting in your next Paper: Tho' I would not have her affronted with me for a great Deal, for sincerely I love her and her Children as well I think, as a Neighbour can, and she buys a great many Things in a Year at my Shop. But I would beg her to consider that she uses me unmercifully; Tho' I believe it is only for want of Thought. -- But I have twenty Things more to tell you besides all this; There is a handsome Gentleman that has a Mind (I don't question) to make love to me, but he can't get the least Opportunity to -- : O dear, here she comes again; -- I must conclude Yours, &c. Patience.' Indeed, 'tis well enough, as it happens, that _she is come_, to shorten this Complaint which I think is full long enough already, and probably would otherwise have been as long again. However, I must confess I cannot help pitying my Correspondent's Case, and in her Behalf exhort the Visitor to remember and consider the Words of the Wise Man, _Withdraw thy Foot from the House of thy Neighbour least he grow weary of thee, and so hate thee._ It is, I believe, a nice thing and very difficult, to regulate our Visits in such a Manner, as never to give Offence by coming too seldom, or too often, or departing too abruptly, or staying too long. However, in my Opinion, it is safest for most People, in a general way, who are unwilling to disoblige, to visit seldom, and tarry but a little while in a Place; notwithstanding pressing Invitations, which are many times insincere. And tho' more of your Company should be really desir'd; yet in this Case, too much Reservedness is a Fault more easily excus'd than the Contrary. Men are subjected to various Inconveniences meerly through lack of a small Share of Courage, which is a Quality very necessary in the common Occurences of Life, as well as in a Battle. How many Impertinences do we daily suffer with great Uneasiness, because we have not Courage enough to discover our Dislike? And why may not a Man use the Boldness and Freedom of telling his Friends that their long Visits sometimes incommode him? -- On this Occasion, it may be entertaining to some of my Readers, if I acquaint them with the _Turkish_ Manner of entertaining Visitors, which I have from an Author of unquestionable Veracity; who assures us, that even the Turks are not so ignorant of Civility, and the Arts of Endearment, but that they can practice them with as much Exactness as any other Nation, whenever they have a Mind to shew themselves obliging. `When you visit a Person of Quality, (says he) and have talk'd over your Business, or the Complements, or whatever Concern brought you thither, he makes a Sign to have Things serv'd in for the Entertainment, which is generally, a little Sweetmeat, a Dish of Sherbet, and another of Coffee; all which are immediately brought in by the Servants, and tender'd to all the Guests in Order, with the greatest Care and Awfulness imaginable. At last comes the finishing Part of your Entertainment, which is, Perfuming the Beards of the Company; a Ceremony which is perform'd in this Manner. They have for the Purpose a small Silver Chaffing-Dish, cover'd with a Lid full of Holes, and fixed upon a handsome Plate. In this they put some fresh Coals, and upon them a piece of _Lignum Aloes_, and shutting it up, the Smoak immediately ascends with a grateful Odour thro' the Holes of the Cover. This Smoak is held under every one's Chin, and offer'd as it were a Sacrifice to his Beard. The bristly Idol soon receives the Reverence done to it, and so greedily takes in and incorporates the gummy Steam, that it retains the Savour of it, and may serve for a Nosegay a good while after. `This Ceremony may perhaps seem ridiculous at first hearing; but it passes among the _Turks_ for an high Gratification. And I will say this in its Vindication, that it's Design is very wise and useful. For it is understood to give a civil Dismission to the Visitants; intimating to them, that the Master of the House has Business to do, or some other Avocation, that permits them to go away as soon as they please; and the sooner after this Ceremony the better. By this Means you may, at any Time, without Offence, deliver your self from being detain'd from your Affairs by tedious and unseasonable Visits; and from being constrain'd to use that Piece of Hypocrisy so common in the World, of pressing those to stay longer with you, whom perhaps in your Heart you wish a great Way off for having troubled you so long already.' Thus far my Author. For my own Part, I have taken such a Fancy to this Turkish Custom, that for the future I shall put something like it in Practice. I have provided a Bottle of right French Brandy for the Men, and Citron-Water for the Ladies. After I have treated with a Dram, and presented a Pinch of my best Snuff, I expect all Company will retire, and leave me to pursue my Studies for the Good of the Publick. Advertisement. _I give Notice that I am now actually compiling, and design to publish in a short Time, the true History of the Rise, Growth and Progress of the renowned_ Tiff-Club. _All Persons who are acquainted with any Facts, Circumstances, Characters, Transactions,_ &c. _which will be requisite to the Perfecting and Embellishment of the said Work, are desired to communicate the same to the Author, and direct their Letters to be left with the Printer hereof._ The Letter sign'd _Would-be-something_ is come to hand. _The American Weekly Mercury_, February 25, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 5_ _Vos, O Patricius sanguis, quos vivere fas est Occipiti caeco, posticae occurrite sannae_. Persius. This Paper being design'd for a Terror to Evil-Doers, as well as a Praise to them that do well, I am lifted up with secret Joy to find that my Undertaking is approved, and encourag'd by the Just and Good, and that few are against me but those who have Reason to fear me. There are little Follies in the Behaviour of most Men, which their best Friends are too tender to acquaint them with: There are little Vices and small Crimes which the Law has no Regard to, or Remedy for: There are likewise great Pieces of Villany sometimes so craftily accomplish'd, and so circumspectly guarded, that the Law can take no Hold of the Actors. All these Things, and all Things of this Nature, come within my Province as _CENSOR_, and I am determined not to be negligent of the Trust I have reposed in my self, but resolve to execute my Office diligently and Faithfully. And that all the World may judge with how much Humanity as well as Justice I shall behave in this Office; and that even my Enemies may be convinc'd I take no Delight to rake into the Dunghill Lives of vicious Men; and to the End that certain Persons may be a little eas'd of their Fears, and reliev'd from the terrible Palpitations they have lately felt and suffer'd, and do still suffer; I hereby graciously pass an Act of general Oblivion, for all Offences, Crimes and Misdemeanors of what Kind soever, committed from the Beginning of Year sixteen hundred and eighty one, until the Day of the Date of my first Paper; and promise only to concern my self with such as have been since and shall hereafter be committed. I shall take no Notice who has, (heretofore) rais'd a Fortune by Fraud and Oppression, nor who by Deceit and Hypocrisy: What Woman has been false to her good Husband's Bed; nor what Man has, by barbarous Usage or Neglect, broke the Heart of a faithful Wife, and wasted his Health and Substance in Debauchery: What base Wretch has betray'd his Friend, and sold his Honesty for Gold, nor what yet baser Wretch, first corrupted him and then bought the Bargain: All this, and much more of the same Kind I shall forget and pass over in Silence; -- but then it is to be observed that I expect and require a sudden and general Amendment. These Threatnings of mine I hope will have a good Effect, and, if regarded, may prevent abundance of Folly and Wickedness in others, and at the same Time save me abundance of Trouble. And that People may not flatter themselves with the Hopes of concealing their Misdemeanours from my Knowledge, and in that View persist in Evil-doing, I must acquaint them, that I have lately enter'd into an Intimacy with the extraordinary Person who some Time since wrote me the following Letter; and who, having a Wonderful Faculty that enables him to discover the most secret Iniquity, is capable of giving me great Assistance in my designed Work of Reformation. _Mr. Busy-Body_. `I rejoice Sir, at the Opportunity you have given me to be serviceable to you, and by your Means to this Province. You must know, that such have been the Circumstances of my Life, and such were the marvellous Concurrences of my Birth, that I have not only a Faculty of discovering the Actions of Persons that are absent or asleep; but even of the Devil himself in many of his secret Workings, in the various Shapes, Habits and Names of Men and Women. And having travel'd and conversed much and met but with a very few of the same Perceptions and Qualifications, I can recommend my Self to you as the most useful Man you can correspond with. My Father's Father's Father (for we had no Grandfathers in our Family) was the same _John Bunyan_ that writ that memorable Book _The Pilgrim's Progress_, who had in some Degree a natural Faculty of _Second Sight_. This Faculty (how derived to him, our Family Memoirs are not very clear) was enjoy'd by all his Descendants, but not by equal Talents -- 'Twas very dim in several of my first Cousins, and probably had been nearly extinct in our particular Branch, had not my Father been a Traveller -- He lived in his youthful Days in _New-England_. There he married, and there was born my elder Brother, who had so much of this Faculty, as to discover Witches in some of their occult Performances. My Parents transporting themselves to _Great Britain_ my second Brother's Birth was in that Kingdom -- He shared but a small Portion of this Virtue, being only able to discern Transactions about the Time, and for the most Part after their happening. My good Father, who delighted in the _Pilgrim's Progress_, and mountainous Places, took Shipping with his Wife for _Scotland_, and inhabited in the Highlands, where my Self was born; and whether the Soil, Climate or Astral Influences, of which are preserved divers Prognosticks, restored our Ancestors Natural Faculty of _Second Sight_, in a greater Lustre to me than it had shined in thro' several Generations, I will not here discuss. But so it is, that I am possess'd largely of it, and design if you encourage the Proposal, to take this Opportunity of doing good with it, which I question not will be accepted of in a grateful Way, by many of your honest Readers, Tho' the Discovery of my Extraction bodes me no Deference from your great Scholars and modern Philosophers. This my Father was long ago aware of, and lest the Name alone should hurt the Fortunes of his Children; he in his Shiftings from one Country to another wisely changed it. `Sir, I have only this further to say, how I may be useful to you & as a Reason for my not making my Self more known in the World: By Virtue of this Great Gift of Nature _Second-Sightedness_. I do continually see Numbers of Men, Women and Children of all Ranks, and what they are doing, while I am sitting in my Closet; which is too great a Burthen for the Mind, and makes me also conceit even against Reason, that all this Host of People can see and observe me, which strongly inclines me to Solitude and an obscure Living; and on the other Hand, it will be an Ease to me to disburthen my Thoughts and Observations in the Way proposed to you by, Sir, your Friend, and humble Servant. ------ ' I conceal this Correspondent's Name in my Care for his Life and Safety, and cannot but approve his Prudence in chusing to live obscurely. I remember the Fate of my poor Monkey: He had an ill-natur'd Trick of grinning and chattering at every Thing he saw in Pettycoats. My ignorant Country Neighbours got a Notion that _Pugg_ snarl'd by instinct at every Female who had lost her Virginity. This was no sooner generally believ'd than he was condemn'd to Death; By whom I could never learn, but he was assassinated in the Night, barbarously stabb'd and mangled in a Thousand Places, and left hanging dead on one of my Gate posts, where I found him the next Morning. _The_ Censor _observing that the_ Itch of Scribbling _begins to spread exceedingly, and being carefully tender of the Reputation of his Country in Point of_ Wit _and_ Good Sense, _has determined to take all manner of Writings, in Verse or Prose, that pretend to either, under his immediate Cognizance; and accordingly hereby prohibits the Publishing any such for the future, 'till they have first pass'd his Examination, and receiv'd his_ Imprimatur. _For which he demands as a Fee only 6_ d. _per Sheet_. N. B. _He nevertheless permits to be published all Satyrical Remarks on the_ Busy-Body, _the above Prohibition notwithstanding, and without Examination, or requiring the said Fees: which Indulgence the small Wits in and about this City are advised gratefully to accept and acknowledge. _The Gentleman who calls himself_ Sirronio, _is directed, on the Receipt of this, to burn his great Book of_ Crudities. P. S. _In Compassion to that young Man on Account of the great Pains he has taken; in Consideration of the Character I have just receiv'd of him, that he is really_ _Good-natured; _and on Condition he shows it to no Foreigner or Stranger of Sense, I have thought fit to reprieve his said_ _great Book of Crudities _from the Flames, 'till further Order_. _Noli me tangere_. I had resolved when I first commenc'd this Design, on no Account to enter into a publick Dispute with any Man; for I judg'd it would be equally unpleasant to me and my Readers, to see this Paper fill'd with contentious Wrangling, Answers, Replies, _&c_. which is a Way of Writing that is Endless, and at the same time seldom contains any Thing that is either edifying or entertaining. Yet when such a considerable Man as Mr. ------ finds himself concern'd so warmly to accuse and condemn me, as he has done in _Keimer_'s last _Instructor_, I cannot forbear endeavouring to say something in my own Defence, from one of the worst of Characters that could be given of me by a Man of Worth. But as I have many Things of more Consequence to offer the Publick, I declare that I will never, after this Time, take Notice of any Accusations not better supported with Truth and Reason; much less may every little Scribbler, that shall attack me, expect an Answer from the _Busy-Body_. The Sum of the _Charge deliver'd_ against me, either directly or indirectly in the said Paper, is this. Not to mention the first weighty Sentence concerning _Vanity and Ill-Nature_, and the shrew'd Intimation _that I am without Charity, and therefore can have no Pretence to Religion_, I am represented as guilty of _Defamation and Scandal, the Odiousness of which is apparent to every good Man, and the Practice of it opposite to Christianity, Morality, and common Justice, and in some Cases so far below all these as to be inhumane_. As a _Blaster of Reputations_. As _attempting by a Pretence to screen my Self from the Imputation of Malice and Prejudice_. As _using a Weapon which the Wiser and better Part of Mankind hold in Abhorrence_: And as _giving Treatment which the wiser and better Part of Mankind dislike on the same Principles, and for the same Reason as they do Assassination_. &c, And all this, is infer'd and concluded from a Character I wrote in my Number 3. In order to examine the Justice and Truth of this heavy Charge, let us recur to that Character. -- And here we may be surpriz'd to find what a Trifle has rais'd this mighty Clamour and Complaint, this Grievous Accusation! -- The worst Thing said of the Person, in what is called my gross Description, (be he who he will to whom my Accuser has apply'd the Character of _Cretico_) is, that he is a _sower Philosopher, crafty, but not wise_: Few Humane Characters can be drawn that will not fit some body, in so large a Country as this; But one would think, supposing I meant _Cretico_ a real Person, I had sufficiently manifested my impartiality, when I said in that very Paragraph, _That_ Cretico _is not without Virtue; that there are MANY good Things in him, and MANY good Actions reported of him_; Which must be allow'd in all Reason, very much to overballance in his Favour those worst Words, _sowre Temper'd_ and _cunning_. Nay my very Enemy and Accuser must have been sensible of this, when he freely acknowledges, _that he has been seriously considering, and cannot yet determine, which he would chuse to be, the_ Cato _or_ Cretico _of that Paper_: Since my _Cato_ is one of the best of Characters. Thus much in my own Vindication. As to the _only reasons_ there given why I ought not to continue drawing Characters, viz. _Why should any Man's Picture be published which he never sat for; or his good Name taken from him any more than his Money or Possessions at the arbitrary Will of another,_ &c? I have but this to answer. The Money or Possessions I presume are nothing to the Purpose, since no Man can claim a Right either to those or a good Name, if he has acted so as to forfeit them. And are not the Publick the only Judges what Share of Reputation they think proper to allow any Man? -- Supposing I was capable, and had an Inclination to draw all the good and bad Characters in _America_; Why should a good Man be offended with me for drawing good Characters? And if I draw Ill Ones, can they fit any but those that deserve them? And ought any _but such_ to be concern'd that they have their Deserts? I have as great an Aversion and Abhorrence from Defamation and Scandal as any Man, and would with the utmost Care avoid being guilty of such base Things: Besides I am very sensible and certain, that if I should make use of this Paper to defame any Person, my Reputation would be sooner hurt by it than his, and the _Busy-Body_ would quickly become detestable; because in such a Case, as is justly observ'd, _The Pleasure arising from a Taste of Wit and Novelty soon dies away in generous and Honest Minds, and is follow'd with a secret Grief to see their Neighbours calumniated_. But if I my self was actually the worst Man in the Province, and any one should draw my true Character, would it not be ridiculous in me to say, _he had defam'd and scandaliz'd me_; unless added, _in a Matter of Truth_? -- If any Thing is meant by asking, _Why any Man's Picture should be publish'd which he never sate for?_ It must be, that we should give no Character without the Owner's Consent. If I discern the Wolf disguis'd in harmless Wool, and contriving the Destruction of my Neighbour's Sheep, must I have his Permission before I am allow'd to discover and prevent him? If I know a Man to be a designing Knave, must I ask his Consent to bid my Friends beware of him? If so, Then by the same Rule, supposing the _Busy-Body_ had really merited all his Enemy has charg'd him with, his Consent likewise ought to have been obtain'd before so terrible an Accusation was published against him. I shall conclude with observing, that in the last Paragraph save one of the Piece now examin'd, much _ILL-NATURE_ and some Good Sense are _Co-inhabitants_, (as he expresses it.) The _Ill Nature_ appears, in his endeavouring to discover Satyr, where I intended no such Thing, but quite the Reverse: The good Sense is this, _that drawing too good a Character of any one, is a refined Manner of Satyr that may be as injurious to him as the contrary, by bringing on an Examination that undresses the Person, and in the Haste of doing it, he may happen to be stript of what he really owns and deserves_. As I am _Censor_, I might punish the first, but I forgive it. Yet I will not leave the latter unrewarded; but assure my Adversary, that in Consideration of the Merit of those four Lines, I am resolved to forbear _injuring_ him on any Account in that _refined Manner_. _I thank my Neighbour_ P -- w -- l _for his kind Letter_. The Lions complain'd of shall be muzzled. _The American Weekly Mercury_, March 4, 1728/9 _The Busy-Body, No. 8_ ------ _Quid non mortalia Pectora cogis Auri sacra Fames!_ Virgil. One of the greatest Pleasures an Author can have is certainly the Hearing his Works applauded. The hiding from the World our Names while we publish our Thoughts, is so absolutely necessary to this Self-Gratification, that I hope my Well-wishers will congratulate me on my Escape from the many diligent, but fruitless Enquires that have of late been made after me. Every Man will own, That an Author, as such, ought to be try'd by the Merit of his Productions only; but Pride, Party, and Prejudice at this Time run so very high, that Experience shews we form our Notions of a Piece by the Character of the Author. Nay there are some very humble Politicians in and about this City, who will ask on which Side the Writer is, before they presume to give their Opinion of the Thing wrote. This ungenerous Way of Proceeding I was well aware of before I publish'd my first Speculation; and therefore concealed my Name. And I appeal to the more generous Part of the World, if I have since I appear'd in the Character of the _Busy-Body_ given an Instance of my siding with any Party more than another, in the unhappy Divisions of my Country; and I have above all, this Satisfaction in my Self, That neither Affection, Aversion or Interest, have byass'd me to use any Partiality towards any Man, or Sett of Men; but whatsoever I find nonsensically ridiculous, or immorally dishonest, I have, and shall continue openly to attack with the Freedom of an honest Man, and a Lover of my Country. I profess I can hardly contain my Self, or preserve the Gravity and Dignity that should attend the _Censorial-Office_, when I hear the odd and unaccountable Expositions that are put upon some of my Works, thro' the malicious Ignorance of some, and the vain Pride of more than ordinary Penetration in others; one Instance of which many of my Readers are acquainted with. A certain Gentleman has taken a great Deal of Pains to write a _KEY_ to the Letter in my _No._ 4. wherein he has ingeniously converted a gentle Satyr upon tedious and impertinent Visitants into a Libel on some in the Government: This I mention only as a Specimen of the Taste of the Gentlemen, I am forsooth, bound to please in my Speculations, not that I suppose my Impartiality will ever be called in Question upon that Account. Injustices of this Nature I could complain of in many Instancies; but I am at present diverted by the Reception of a Letter, which tho' it regards me only in my Private Capacity, as an Adept, yet I venture to publish it for the Entertainment of my Readers. To CENSOR MORUM, _Esq_; _Busy-Body_ General of the Province of _Pennsylvania_, and the Counties of _Newcastle_, _Kent_, and _Sussex_, upon _Delaware_. _Honourable Sir,_ `I judge by your Lucubrations, that you are not only a Lover of Truth and Equity, but a Man of Parts and Learning, and a Master of Science; as such I honour you. Know then, _Most profound Sir_, That I have from my Youth up, been a very indefatigable Student in, and Admirer of that Divine Science, _Astrology_. I have read over _Scot_, _Albertus Magnus_, and _Cornelius Agrippa_ above 300 Times; and was in hopes by my Knowledge and Industry, to gain enough to have recompenced me for my Money expended, and Time lost in the Pursuit of this Learning. You cannot be ignorant _Sir_, (for your intimate _Second sighted_ Correspondent knows all Things) that there are large Sums of Money hidden under Ground in divers Places about this Town, and in many Parts of the Country; But alas, Sir, Notwithstanding I have used all the Means laid down in the _immortal Authors_ before-mentioned, and when they fail'd, the ingenious Mr. _P -- d -- l_ with his _Mercurial Wand_ and _Magnet_, I have still fail'd in my Purpose. This therefore I send to Propose and desire an Acquaintance with you, and I do not doubt, notwithstanding my repeated Ill-Fortune, but we may be exceedingly serviceable to each other in our Discoveries; and that if we use our united Endeavours, the Time will come when the _Busy-Body_, his _Second-sighted Correspondent_, and _your very humble Servant_, will be Three of the richest Men in the Province: And then Sir, what may not we do? _A Word to the Wise is sufficient,_ I conclude with all demonstrable Respect, Yours, and _Urania_'s Votary, _Titan Pleiades_.' In the Evening after I had received this Letter, I made a Visit to my _Second-sighted_ Friend, and communicated to him the Proposal. When he had read it, he assur'd me, that to his certain Knowledge there is not at this Time so much as one Ounce of Silver or Gold hid under Ground in any Part of this Province, For that the late and present Scarcity of Money had obliged those who were living, and knew where they had formerly hid any, to take it up, and use it in their own necessary Affairs: And as to all the Rest which was buried by Pyrates and others in old Times, who were never like to come for it, he himself had long since dug it all up and applied it to charitable Uses, And this he desired me to publish for general Good. For, as he acquainted me, There are among us great Numbers of honest Artificers and labouring People, who fed with a vain Hope of growing suddenly rich, neglect their Business, almost to the ruining of themselves and Families, and voluntarily endure abundance of Fatigue in a fruitless Search after Imaginary hidden Treasure. They wander thro' the Woods and Bushes by Day, to discover the Marks and Signs; at Midnight they repair to the hopeful Spot with Spades and Pickaxes; full of Expectation they labour violently, trembling at the same Time in every Joint, thro' Fear of certain malicious Demons who are said to haunt and guard such Places. At length a mighty hole is dug, and perhaps several Cart-loads of Earth thrown out, but alas, no Cag or Iron Pot is found! no Seaman's Chest cram'd with Spanish Pistoles, or weighty Pieces of Eight! Then they conclude, that thro' some Mistake in the Procedure, some rash Word spoke, or some Rule of Art neglected, the Guardian Spirit had Power to sink it deeper into the Earth and convey it out of their Reach. Yet when a Man is once thus infatuated, he is so far from being discouraged by ill Success, that he is rather animated to double his Industry, and will try again and again in a Hundred Different Places, in Hopes at last of meeting with some lucky Hit, that shall at once Sufficiently reward him for all his Expence of Time and Labour. This odd Humour of Digging for Money thro' a Belief that much has been hid by Pirates formerly frequenting the River, has for several Years been mighty prevalent among us; insomuch that you can hardly walk half a Mile out of Town on any Side, without observing several Pits dug with that Design, and perhaps some lately opened. Men, otherwise of very good Sense, have been drawn into this Practice thro' an over weening Desire of sudden Wealth, and an easy Credulity of what they so earnestly wish'd might be true. While the rational and almost certain Methods of acquiring Riches by Industry and Frugality are neglected or forgotten. There seems to be some peculiar Charm in the conceit of _finding_ Money; and if the Sands of _Schuylkil_ were so much mixed with small Grains of Gold, that a Man might in a Day's Time with Care and Application get together to the Value of half a Crown, I make no Question but we should find several People employ'd there, that can with Ease earn Five Shillings a Day at their proper Trades. Many are the idle Stories told of the private Success of some People, by which others are encouraged to proceed; and the Astrologers, with whom the Country swarms at this Time, are either in the Belief of these things themselves, or find their Advantage in persuading others to believe them; for they are often consulted about the critical Times for Digging, the Methods of laying the Spirit, and the like Whimseys, which renders them very necessary to and very much caress'd by the poor deluded _Money-hunters_. There is certainly something very bewitching in the Pursuit after Mines of Gold and Silver, and other valuable Metals; And many have been ruined by it. A Sea Captain of my Acquaintance used to blame the _English_ for envying _Spain_ their Mines of Silver; and too much despising or overlooking the Advantages of their own Industry and Manufactures. For my Part, says he, I esteem the Banks of _Newfoundland_ to be a more valuable Possession than the Mountains of _Potosi_; and when I have been there on the Fishing Account, have look'd upon every Cod puli'd up into the Vessel as a certain Quantity of Silver Ore, which required only carrying to the next _Spanish_ Port to be coin'd into Pieces of Eight; not to mention the _National Profit_ of fitting out and Employing such a Number of Ships and Seamen. Let honest _Peter Buckrum_, who has long without Success been a Searcher after hidden Money, reflect on this, and be reclaimed from that unaccountable Folly. Let him consider that every Stitch he takes when he is on his Shop-board, is picking up part of a Grain of Gold that will in a few Days Time amount to a Pistole; And let _Faber_ think the same of every Nail he drives, or every Stroke with his Plain. Such Thoughts may make them industrious, and of consequence in Time they may be Wealthy. But how absurd is it to neglect a certain Profit for such a ridiculous Whimsey: To spend whole Days at the _George_, in company with an idle Pretender to Astrology, contriving Schemes to discover what was never hidden, and forgetful how carelessly Business is managed at Home in their Absence: To leave their Wives and a warm Bed at Midnight (no matter if it rain, hail, snow or blow a Hurricane, provided that be the critical Hour) and fatigue themselves with the Violent Exercise of Digging for what they shall never find, and perhaps getting a Cold that may cost their Lives, or at least disordering themselves so as to be fit for no Business beside for some Days after. Surely this is nothing less than the most egregious Folly and Madness. I shall conclude with the Words of my discreet Friend _Agricola_, of _Chester_-County, when he gave his Son a Good Plantation, _My Son,_ says he, _I give thee now a Valuable Parcel of Land; I assure thee I have found a considerable Quantity of Gold by Digging there; -- Thee mayst do the same. -- But thee must carefully observe this, Never to dig more than Plow-deep_. _Monday Night, March_ 24. I have received Letters lately from several considerable Men, earnestly urging me to write on the Subject of _Paper-Money_; and containing very severe Reflections on some Gentlemen, who are said to be Opposers of that Currency. I must desire to be excus'd if I decline publishing any Thing lent to me at this Juncture, that may add Fuel to the Flame, or aggravate that Management that has already sufficiently exasperated the Minds of the People. The Subject of _Paper Currency_ is in it self very intricate, and I believe, understood by Few; I mean as to its Consequences _in Futurum_: And tho' much might be said on that Head, I apprehend it to be the less necessary for me to handle it at this Time, because _EXPERIENCE_, (more prevalent than all the _Logic_ in the World) has fully convinced us all, that it has been, and is now of the greatest Advantage to the Country: Not only those who were once doubtful are intirely of this Opinion, but the very Gentlemen who were at first most violent Enemies to that _Currency_, have lately, (particularly about the Time of the last Election) declared, freely, both in private Conversation, and publickly in Print, _That they now are heartily for it; that they are sensible it has been a great Benefit to the Country; and that it has not now one Opponent that they know of._ They have likewise assured us, _That the Governour is a zealous Friend to it_; and I do not understand that any material Reason is given for the Additional Bill's not passing, but this. _That it is contrary to the Constituents Orders from Home_. If this be the Case, I see nothing further in it but this; that those Gentlemen who in their Zeal for the Good of their Country, formerly oppos'd _Paper-Money_, when they thought it would prove hurtful, and by their powerful Representations procured those Orders from Home, but now being better acquainted with its Usefulness, and sensible how much it is to our Advantage to have such a Currency, are become hearty Friends to it; I say, nothing remains, but that those Gentlemen join as heartily with the Representative Body of the Country to endeavour, by different Representations, a Revocation of those Orders: And in the mean Time, as it is certain They would be pleased at Home to see this Province in Prosperity, so without Doubt there is no Man so unreasonable among them, supposing that Act should now pass, as to imagine, that the whole Country united is entirely ignorant of its own true Interest. And the Interest of the Country is the same, I presume, with that of the Proprietary. 'Tis true indeed, I am not satisfied that it is for our Advantage to rest contented with _Paper-Money_ for ever, without endeavouring to recover our Silver and Gold; which may be done without much Difficulty, (as I shall shew in some future Papers) if those who have the Management of Publick Affairs should have no Interests to pursue separate from those of their Country. Yet at this Time it seems absolutely necessary to have a large Additional Sum struck for the Relief of the People in their present miserable Circumstances, and until such Methods of Trade are thought on, and put in Practice, as will make that Currency needless; which I hope the Legislature will as soon as possible take into their Consideration. And in the mean Time I cannot but think it commendable in every honest _Thinking_ Man, to publish his Sentiments on this Head, to the End such Methods may be chose and fallen upon as will appear most conducive. Unhappy is the Case of that good Gentleman, our Governor, who sees a flourishing Province sinking under his Administration into the most wretched and deplorable Circumstances; and while no Good-will is wanting in him to wards us and our Welfare, finds his Hands are tyed, and that without deviating from his Instructions, it is not in his Power to help us. The whole Country is at this Instant filled with the greatest Heat and Animosity; and if there are yet among us any Opposers of a _Paper-Currency_, it is probable the Resentments of the People point at them; and tho' I must earnestly exhort my Countrymen to Peace and Quietness, for that publick Disturbances are seldom known to be attended with any good Consequence; yet I cannot but think it would be highly prudent in those Gentlemen with all Expedition to publish such Vindications of themselves and their Actions, as will sufficiently clear them in the Eyes of all reasonable Men, from the Imputation of having a Design to engross the Property of the Country, and make themselves and their Posterity Lords, and the Bulk of the Inhabitants their Tenants and Vassals; which Design they are everywhere openly accused of. And such a Vindication is the more necessary at this Time, because if the People are once convinced there is no such Scheme on Foot, (and Truth without Doubt will prevail) it may exceedingly tend to the Settlement of their Minds, the Abatement of their Heats, and the Establishment of Peace, Love, and Unity, and all the Social Virtues. _The American Weekly Mercury_, March 27, 1729 _A Modest Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper-Currency_ ------ _Quid asper Utile Nummus habet; patriae, charisq; propinquis Quantum elargiri deceat._ ------ Pers. There is no Science, the Study of which is more useful and commendable than the Knowledge of the true Interest of one's Country; and perhaps there is no Kind of Learning more abstruse and intricate, more difficult to acquire in any Degree of Perfection than This, and therefore none more generally neglected. Hence it is, that we every Day find Men in Conversation contending warmly on some Point in Politicks, which, altho' it may nearly concern them both, neither of them understand any more than they do each other. Thus much by way of Apology for this present _Enquiry into the Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency_. And if any Thing I shall say, may be a Means of fixing a Subject that is now the chief Concern of my Countrymen, in a clearer Light, I shall have the Satisfaction of thinking my Time and Pains well employed. To proceed, then, _There is a certain proportionate Quantity of Money requisite to carry on the Trade of a Country freely and currently; More than which would be of no Advantage in Trade, and Less, if much less, exceedingly detrimental to it._ This leads us to the following general Considerations. First, _A great Want of Money in any Trading Country, occasions Interest to be at a very high Rate_. And here it may be observed, that it is impossible by any Laws to restrain Men from giving and receiving exorbitant Interest, where Money is suitably scarce: For he that wants Money will find out Ways to give 10 _per Cent_. when he cannot have it for less, altho' the Law forbids to take more than 6 _per Cent._ Now the Interest of Money being high is prejudicial to a Country several Ways: It makes Land bear a low Price, because few Men will lay out their Money in Land, when they can make a much greater Profit by lending it out upon Interest: And much less will Men be inclined to venture their Money at Sea, when they can, without Risque or Hazard, have a great and certain Profit by keeping it at home; thus Trade is discouraged. And if in two Neigbouring Countries the Traders of one, by Reason of a greater Plenty of Money, can borrow it to trade with at a lower Rate than the Traders of the other, they will infallibly have the Advantage, and get the greatest Part of that Trade into their own Hands; For he that trades with Money he hath borrowed at 8 or 10 _per Cent._ cannot hold Market with him that borrows his Money at 6 or 4. -- On the contrary, _A plentiful Currency will occasion Interest to be low:_ And this will be an Inducement to many to lay out their Money in Lands, rather than put it out to Use, by which means Land will begin to rise in Value and bear a better Price: And at the same Time it will tend to enliven Trade exceedingly, because People will find more Profit in employing their Money that Way than in Usury; and many that understand Business very well, but have not a Stock sufficient of their own, will be encouraged to borrow Money to trade with, when they can have it at moderate Interest. Secondly, _Want of Money in a Country reduces the Price of that Part of its Produce which is used in Trade:_ Because Trade being discouraged by it as above, there is a much less Demand for that Produce. And this is another Reason why Land in such a Case will be low, especially where the Staple Commodity of the Country is the immediate Produce of the Land, because that Produce being low, fewer People find an Advantage in Husbandry, or the Improvement of Land. -- On the contrary, _A Plentiful Currency will occasion the Trading Produce to bear a good Price:_ Because Trade being encouraged and advanced by it, there will be a much greater Demand for that Produce; which will be a great Encouragement of Husbandry and Tillage, and consequently make Land more valuable, for that many People would apply themselves to Husbandry, who probably might otherwise have sought some more profitable Employment. As we have already experienced how much the Increase of our Currency by what Paper Money has been made, has encouraged our Trade; particularly to instance only in one Article, _Ship-Building_; it may not be amiss to observe under this Head, what a great Advantage it must be to us as a Trading Country, that has Workmen and all the Materials proper for that Business within itself, to have _Ship-Building_ as much as possible advanced: For every Ship that is built here for the _English_ Merchants, gains the Province her clear Value in Gold and Silver, which must otherwise have been sent Home for Returns in her Stead; and likewise, every Ship built in and belonging to the Province, not only saves the Province her first Cost, but all the Freight, Wages and Provisions she ever makes or requires as long as she lasts; provided Care is taken to make This her _Pay Port_, and that she always takes Provisions with her for the whole Voyage, which may easily be done. And how considerable an Article this is yearly in our Favour, every one, the least acquainted with mercantile Affairs, must needs be sensible; for if we could not Build our selves, we must either purchase so many Vessels as we want from other Countries, or else Hire them to carry our Produce to Market, which would be more expensive than Purchasing, and on many other Accounts exceedingly to our Loss. Now as Trade in general will decline where there is not a plentiful Currency, so _Ship-Building_ must certainly of Consequence decline where Trade is declining. Thirdly, _Want of Money in a Country discourages Labouring and Handicrafts Men (which are the chief Strength and Support of a People) from coming to settle in it, and induces many that were settled to leave the Country, and seek Entertainment and Employment in other Places, where they can be better paid_. For what can be more disheartning to an industrious labouring Man, than this, that after he hath earned his Bread with the Sweat of his Brows, he must spend as much Time, and have near as much Fatigue in getting it, as he had to earn it. _And nothing makes more bad Paymasters than a general Scarcity of Money_. And here again is a Third Reason for Land's bearing a low Price in such a Country, because Land always increases in Value in Proportion with the Increase of the People settling on it, there being so many more Buyers; and its Value will infallibly be diminished, if the Number of its Inhabitants diminish. -- On the contrary, _A Plentiful Currency will encourage great Numbers of Labouring and Handicrafts Men to come and Settle in the Country_, by the same Reason that a Want of it will discourage and drive them out. Now the more Inhabitants, the greater Demand for Land (as is said above) upon which it must necessarily rise in Value, and bear a better Price. The same may be said of the Value of House-Rent, which will be advanced for the same Reasons; and by the Increase of Trade and Riches People will be enabled to pay greater Rents. Now the Value of House-Rent rising, and Interest becoming low, many that in a Scarcity of Money practised Usury, will probably be more inclined to Building; which will likewise sensibly enliven Business in any Place; it being an Advantage not only to _Brickmakers_, _Bricklayers_, _Masons_, _Carpenters_, _Joiners_, _Glaziers_, and several other Trades immediately employ'd by Building, but likewise to _Farmers_, _Brewers_, _Bakers_, _Taylors_, _Shoemakers_, _Shop-keepers_, and in short to every one that they lay their Money out with. Fourthly, _Want of Money in such a Country as ours, occasions a greater Consumption of_ English _and_ European _Goods, in Proportion to the Number of the People, than there would otherwise be._ Because Merchants and Traders, by whom abundance of Artificers and labouring Men are employed, finding their other Affairs require what Money they can get into their hands, oblige those who work for them to take one half, or perhaps two thirds Goods in Pay. By this Means a greater Quantity of Goods are disposed of, and to a greater Value; because Working Men and their Families are thereby induced to be more profuse and extravagant in fine Apparel and the like, than they would be if they were obliged to pay ready Money for such Things after they had earn'd and received it, or if such Goods were not imposed upon them, of which they can make no other Use: For such People cannot send the Goods they are paid with to a Foreign Market, without losing considerably by having them sold for less than they stand 'em in here; neither can they easily dispose of them at Home, because their Neighbours are generally supplied in the same Manner; But how unreasonable would it be, if some of those very Men who _have been a Means_ of thus forcing People into unnecessary Expence, should be the first and most earnest in accusing them of _Pride and Prodigality._ Now tho' this extraordinary Consumption of Foreign Commodities may be a Profit to particular Men, yet the Country in general grows poorer by it apace. -- On the contrary, As _A plentiful Currency will occasion a less Consumption of_ European _Goods, in Proportion to the Number of the People,_ so it will be a means of making the Balance of our Trade more equal than it now is, if it does not give it in our Favour; because our own Produce will be encouraged at the same Time. And it is to be observed, that tho' less Foreign Commodities are consumed in Proportion to the Number of People, yet this will be no Disadvantage to the Merchant, because the Number of People increasing, will occasion an increasing Demand of more Foreign Goods in the Whole. Thus we have seen some of the many heavy Disadvantages a Country (especially such a Country as ours) must labour under, when it has not a sufficient Stock of running Cash to manage its Trade currently. And we have likewise seen some of the Advantages which accrue from having Money sufficient, or a Plentiful Currency. The foregoing Paragraphs being well considered, we shall naturally be led to draw the following Conclusions with Regard to what Persons will probably be for or against Emitting a large Additional Sum of Paper Bills in this Province. 1. Since Men will always be powerfully influenced in their Opinions and Actions by what appears to be their particular Interest: Therefore all those, who wanting Courage to venture in Trade, now practise Lending Money on Security for exorbitant Interest, which in a Scarcity of Money will be done notwithstanding the Law, I say all such will probably be against a large Addition to our present Stock of Paper-Money; because a plentiful Currency will lower Interest, and make it common to lend on less Security. 2. All those who are Possessors of large Sums of Money, and are disposed to purchase Land, which is attended with a great and sure Advantage in a growing Country as this is; I say, the Interest of all such Men will encline them to oppose a large Addition to our Money. Because their Wealth is now continually increasing by the large Interest they receive, which will enable them (if they can keep Land from rising) to purchase More some time hence than they can at present; and in the mean time all Trade being discouraged, not only those who borrow of them, but the Common People in general will be impoverished, and consequently obliged to sell More Land for less Money than they will do at present. And yet, after such Men are possessed of as much Land as they can purchase, it will then be their Interest to have Money made Plentiful, because that will immediately make Land rise in Value in _their_ Hands. Now it ought not to be wonder'd at, if People from the Knowledge of a Man's Interest do sometimes make a true Guess at his Designs; for, _Interest_, they say, _will not Lie._ 3. Lawyers, and others concerned in Court Business, will probably many of them be against a plentiful Currency; because People in that Case will have less Occasion to run in Debt, and consequently less Occasion to go to Law and Sue one another for their Debts. Tho' I know some even among these Gentlemen, that regard the Publick Good before their own apparent private Interest. 4. All those who are any way Dependants on such Persons as are above mentioned, whether as holding Offices, as Tenants, or as Debtors, must at least _appear_ to be against a large Addition; because if they do not, they must sensibly feel their present Interest hurt. And besides these, there are, doubtless, many well-meaning Gentlemen and Others, who, without any immediate private Interest of their own in View, are against making such an Addition, thro' an Opinion they may have of the Honesty and sound Judgment of some of their Friends that oppose it, (perhaps for the Ends aforesaid) without having given it any thorough Consideration themselves. And thus it is no Wonder if there is a _powerful_ Party on that Side. On the other Hand, Those who are Lovers of Trade, and delight to see Manufactures encouraged, will be for having a large Addition to our Currency: For they very well know, that People will have little Heart to advance Money in Trade, when what they can get is scarce sufficient to purchase Necessaries, and supply their Families with Provision. Much less will they lay it out in advancing new Manufactures; nor is it possible new Manufactures should turn to any Account, where there is not Money to pay the Workmen, who are discouraged by being paid in Goods, because it is a great Disadvantage to them. Again, Those who are truly for the Proprietor's Interest (and have no separate Views of their own that are predominant) will be heartily for a large Addition: Because, as I have shewn above, Plenty of Money will for several Reasons make Land rise in Value exceedingly: And I appeal to those immediately concerned for the Proprietor in the Sale of his Lands, whether Land has not risen very much since the first Emission of what Paper Currency we now have, and even by its Means. Now we all know the Proprietary has great Quantities to sell. And since a Plentiful Currency will be so great a Cause of advancing this Province in Trade and Riches, and increasing the Number of its People; which, tho' it will not sensibly lessen the Inhabitants of _Great Britain_, will occasion a much greater Vent and Demand for their Commodities here; and allowing that the Crown is the more powerful for its Subjects increasing in Wealth and Number, I cannot think it the Interest of _England_ to oppose us in making as great a Sum of Paper Money here, as we, who are the best Judges of our own Necessities, find convenient. And if I were not sensible that the Gentlemen of Trade in _England_, to whom we have already parted with our Silver and Gold, are misinformed of our Circumstances, and therefore endeavour to have our Currency stinted to what it now is, I should think the Government at Home had some Reasons for discouraging and impoverishing this Province, which we are not acquainted with. It remains now that we enquire, _Whether a large Addition to our Paper Currency will not make it sink in Value very much;_ And here it will be requisite that we first form just Notions of the Nature and Value of Money in general. As Providence has so ordered it, that not only different Countries, but even different Parts of the same Country, have their peculiar most suitable Productions; and likewise that different Men have Genius's adapted to Variety of different Arts and Manufactures, Therefore _Commerce_, or the Exchange of one Commodity or Manufacture for another, is highly convenient and beneficial to Mankind. As for Instance, _A_ may be skilful in the Art of making Cloth, and _B_ understand the raising of Corn; _A_ wants Corn, and _B_ Cloth; upon which they make an Exchange with each other for as much as each has Occasion, to the mutual Advantage and Satisfaction of both. But as it would be very tedious, if there were no other Way of general Dealing, but by an immediate Exchange of Commodities; because a Man that had Corn to dispose of, and wanted Cloth for it, might perhaps in his Search for a Chapman to deal with, meet with twenty People that had Cloth to dispose of, but wanted no Corn; and with twenty others that wanted his Corn, but had no Cloth to suit him with. To remedy such Inconveniences, and facilitate Exchange, Men have invented MONEY, properly called a _Medium of Exchange_, because through or by its Means Labour is exchanged for Labour, or one Commodity for another. And whatever particular Thing Men have agreed to make this Medium of, whether Gold, Silver, Copper, or Tobacco; it is, to those who possess it (if they want any Thing) that very Thing which they want, because it will immediately procure it for them. It is Cloth to him that wants Cloth, and Corn to those that want Corn; and so of all other Necessaries, it _is_ whatsoever it will procure. Thus he who had Corn to dispose of, and wanted to purchase Cloth with it, might sell his Corn for its Value in this general Medium, to one who wanted Corn but had no Cloth; and with this Medium he might purchase Cloth of him that wanted no Corn, but perhaps some other Thing, as Iron it may be, which this Medium will immediately procure, and so he may be said to have exchanged his Cloth for Iron; and thus the general Exchange is soon performed, to the Satisfaction of all Parties, with abundance of Facility. For many Ages, those Parts of the World which are engaged in Commerce, have fixed upon Gold and Silver as the chief and most proper Materials for this Medium; they being in themselves valuable Metals for their Fineness, Beauty, and Scarcity. By these, particularly by Silver, it has been usual to value all Things else: But as Silver it self is of no certain permanent Value, being worth more or less according to its Scarcity or Plenty, therefore it seems requisite to fix upon Something else, more proper to be made a _Measure of Values_, and this I take to be _Labour._ By Labour may the Value of Silver be measured as well as other Things. As, Suppose one Man employed to raise Corn, while another is digging and refining Silver; at the Year's End, or at any other Period of Time, the compleat Produce of Corn, and that of Silver, are the natural Price of each other; and if one be twenty Bushels, and the other twenty Ounces, then an Ounce of that Silver is worth the Labour of raising a Bushel of that Corn. Now if by the Discovery of some nearer, more easy or plentiful Mines, a Man may get Forty Ounces of Silver as easily as formerly he did Twenty, and the same Labour is still required to raise Twenty Bushels of Corn, then Two Ounces of Silver will be worth no more than the same Labour of raising One Bushel of Corn, and that Bushel of Corn will be as cheap at two Ounces, as it was before at one; _caeteris paribus._ Thus the Riches of a Country are to be valued by the Quantity of Labour its Inhabitants are able to purchase, and not by the Quantity of Silver and Gold they possess; which will purchase more or less Labour, and therefore is more or less valuable, as is said before, according to its Scarcity or Plenty. As those Metals have grown much more plentiful in _Europe_ since the Discovery of _America_, so they have sunk in Value exceedingly; for, to instance in _England_, formerly one Penny of Silver was worth a Days Labour, but now it is hardly worth the sixth Part of a Days Labour; because not less than Six-pence will purchase the Labour of a Man for a Day in any Part of that Kingdom; which is wholly to be attributed to the much greater Plenty of Money now in _England_ than formerly. And yet perhaps _England_ is in Effect no richer now than at that Time; because as much Labour might be purchas'd, or Work got done of almost any kind, for 100 _l_. then, as will now require or is now worth 600 _l_. In the next Place let us consider the Nature of _Banks_ emitting _Bills of Credit_, as they are at this Time used in _Hamburgh_, _Amsterdam_, _London_ and _Venice_. Those Places being Seats of vast Trade, and the Payment of great Sums being for that Reason frequent, _Bills of Credit_ are found very convenient in Business; because a great Sum is more easily counted in Them, lighter in Carriage, concealed in less Room, and therefore safer in Travelling or Laying up, and on many other Accounts they are very much valued. The Banks are the general Cashiers of all Gentlemen, Merchants and great Traders in and about those Cities; there they deposite their Money, and may take out Bills to the Value, for which they can be certain to have Money again at the Bank at any Time: This gives the Bills a Credit; so that in _England_ they are never less valuable than Money, and in _Venice_ and _Amsterdam_ they are generally worth more. And the Bankers always reserving Money in hand to answer more than the common Run of Demands (and some People constantly putting in while others are taking out) are able besides to lend large Sums, on good Security, to the Government or others, for a reasonable Interest, by which they are paid for their Care and Trouble; and the Money which otherwise would have lain dead in their Hands, is made to circulate again thereby among the People: And thus the Running Cash of the Nation is as it were doubled; for all great Payments being made in Bills, Money in lower Trade becomes much more plentiful: And this is an exceeding great Advantage to a Trading Country, that is not over-stock'd with Gold and Silver. As those who take Bills out of the Banks in _Europe_, put in Money for Security; so here, and in some of the neighbouring Provinces, we engage our Land. Which of these Methods will most effectually secure the Bills from actually sinking in Value, comes next to be considered. Trade in general being nothing else but the Exchange of Labour for Labour, the Value of all Things is, as I have said before, most justly measured by Labour. Now suppose I put my Money into a Bank, and take out a Bill for the Value; if this Bill at the Time of my receiving it, would purchase me the Labour of one hundred Men for twenty Days; but some time after will only purchase the Labour of the same Number of Men for fifteen Days; it is plain the Bill has sunk in Value one fourth Part. Now Silver and Gold being of no permanent Value; and as this Bill is founded on Money, and therefore to be esteemed as such, it may be that the Occasion of this Fall is the increasing Plenty of Gold and Silver, by which Money is one fourth Part less valuable than before, and therefore one fourth more is given of it for the same Quantity of Labour; and if Land is not become more plentiful by some proportionate Decrease of the People, one fourth Part more of Money is given for the same Quantity of Land; whereby it appears that it would have been more profitable to me to have laid that Money out in Land which I put into the Bank, than to place it there and take a Bill for it. And it is certain that the Value of Money has been continually sinking in _England_ for several Ages past, because it has been continually increasing in Quantity. But if Bills could be taken out of a Bank in _Europe_ on a Land Security, it is probable the Value of such Bills would be more certain and steady, because the Number of Inhabitants continue to be near the same in those Countries from Age to Age. For as Bills issued upon Money Security are Money, so Bills issued upon Land, are in Effect _Coined Land._ Therefore (to apply the Above to our own Circumstances) If Land in this Province was falling, or any way likely to fall, it would behove the Legislature most carefully to contrive how to prevent the Bills issued upon Land from falling with it. But as our People increase exceedingly, and will be further increased, as I have before shewn, by the Help of a large Addition to our Currency; and as Land in consequence is continually rising, So, in case no Bills are emitted but what are upon Land Security, the Money-Acts in every Part punctually enforced and executed, the Payments of Principal and Interest being duly and strictly required, and the Principal _bona fide_ sunk according to Law, it is absolutely impossible such Bills should ever sink below their first Value, or below the Value of the Land on which they are founded. In short, there is so little Danger of their sinking, that they would certainly rise as the Land rises, if they were not emitted in a proper Manner for preventing it; That is, by providing in the Act _That Payment may be made, either in those Bills, or in any other Bills made current by any Act of the Legislature of this Province;_ and that the Interest, as it is received, may be again emitted in Discharge of Publick Debts; whereby circulating it returns again into the Hands of the Borrowers, and becomes Part of their future Payments; and thus as it is likely there will not be any Difficulty for want of Bills to pay the Office, they are hereby kept from rising above their first Value: For else, supposing there should be emitted upon mortgaged Land its full present Value in Bills; as in the Banks in _Europe_ the full Value of the Money deposited is given out in Bills; and supposing the Office would take nothing but the same Sum in those Bills in Discharge of the Land; as in the Banks aforesaid, the same Sum in their Bills must be brought in, in order to receive out the Money: In such Case the Bills would most surely rise in Value as the Land rises; as certainly as the Bank Bills founded on Money would fall if that Money was falling. Thus if I were to mortgage to a Loan-Office, or Bank, a Parcel of Land now valued at 100 _l_. in Silver, and receive for it the like Sum in Bills, to be paid in again at the Expiration of a certain Term of Years; before which, my Land rising in Value, becomes worth 150 _l_. in Silver: 'Tis plain, that if I have not these Bills in Possession, and the Office will take nothing but these Bills, or else what it is now become worth in Silver, in Discharge of my Land; I say it appears plain, that those Bills will now be worth 150 _l_. in Silver to the Possessor; and if I can purchase them for less, in order to redeem my Land, I shall by so much be a Gainer. I need not say any Thing to convince the Judicious that our Bills have not yet sunk, tho' there is and has been some Difference between them and Silver; because it is evident that that Difference is occasioned by the Scarcity of the latter, which is now become a Merchandize, rising and falling, like other Commodities, as there is a greater or less Demand for it, or as it is more or less Plenty. Yet farther, in order to make a true Estimate of the Value of Money, we must distinguish between Money as it is Bullion, which is Merchandize, and as by being coin'd it is made a Currency: For its Value as a Merchandize, and its Value as a Currency, are two distinct Things; and each may possibly rise and fall in some Degree independent of the other. Thus if the Quantity of Bullion increases in a Country, it will proportionably decrease in Value; but if at the same Time the Quantity of current Coin should decrease, (supposing Payments may not be made in Bullion) what Coin there is will rise in Value as a Currency, _i. e._ People will give more Labour in Manufactures for a certain Sum of ready Money. In the same Manner must we consider a _Paper Currency_ founded on Land; as it is Land, and as it is a Currency. _Money as Bullion, or as Land, is valuable by so much Labour as it costs to procure that Bullion or Land._ _Money, as a Currency, has an Additional Value by so much Time and Labour as it saves in the Exchange of Commodities._ If, as a Currency, it saves one Fourth Part of the Time and Labour of a Country; it has, on that Account, one Fourth added to its original Value. When there is no Money in a Country, all Commerce must be by Exchange. Now if it takes one fourth Part of the Time and Labour of a Country, to exchange or get their Commodities exchanged; then, in computing their Value, that Labour of Exchanging must be added to the Labour of manufacturing those Commodities: But if that Time or Labour is saved by introducing Money sufficient, then the additional Value on Account of the Labour of Exchanging may be abated, and Things sold for only the Value of the Labour in making them; because the People may now in the same Time make one Fourth more in Quantity of Manufactures than they could before. From these Considerations it may be gathered, that in all the Degrees between having no Money in a Country, and Money sufficient for the Trade, it will rise and fall in Value as a Currency, in Proportion to the Decrease or Increase of its Quantity: And if there may be at some Time more than enough, the Overplus will have no Effect towards making the Currency, as a Currency, of less Value than when there was but enough; because such Overplus will not be used in Trade, but be some other way disposed of. If we enquire, _How much_ per Cent. _Interest ought to be required upon the Loan of these Bills;_ we must consider what is the Natural Standard of Usury: And this appears to be, where the Security is undoubted, at least the Rent of so much Land as the Money lent will buy: For it cannot be expected that any Man will lend his Money for less than it would fetch him in as Rent if he laid it out in Land, which is the most secure Property in the World. But if the Security is casual, then a kind of Ensurance must be enterwoven with the simple natural Interest, which may advance the Usury very conscionably to any height below the Principal it self. Now among us, if the Value of Land is twenty Years Purchase, Five _per Cent._ is the just Rate of Interest for Money lent on undoubted Security. Yet if Money grows scarce in a Country, it becomes more difficult for People to make punctual Payments of what they borrow, Money being hard to be raised; likewise Trade being discouraged, and Business impeded for want of a Currency, abundance of People must be in declining Circumstances, and by these Means Security is more precarious than where Money is plenty. On such Accounts it is no wonder if People ask a greater Interest for their Money than the natural Interest; and what is above is to be look'd upon as a kind of _Praemium_ for the Ensurance of those Uncertainties, as they are greater or less. Thus we always see, that where Money is scarce, Interest is high, and low where it is plenty. Now it is certainly the Advantage of a Country to make Interest as low as possible, as I have already shewn; and this can be done no other way than by making Money plentiful. And since, in Emitting Paper Money among us, the Office has the best of Security, the Titles to the Land being all skilfully and strictly examined and ascertained; and as it is only permitting the People by Law to coin their own Land, which costs the Government nothing, the Interest being more than enough to pay the Charges of Printing, Officers Fees, _&c._ I cannot see any good Reason why Four _per Cent._ to the Loan-Office should not be thought fully sufficient. As a low Interest may incline more to take Money out, it will become more plentiful in Trade; and this may bring down the common Usury, in which Security is more dubious, to the Pitch it is determined at by Law. If it should be objected, _That Emitting It at so low an Interest, and on such easy Terms, will occasion more to be taken out than the Trade of the Country really requires:_ It may be answered, That, as has already been shewn, there can never be so much of it emitted as to make it fall below the Land it is founded on; because no Man in his Senses will mortgage his Estate for what is of no more Value to him than That he has mortgaged, especially if the Possession of what he receives is more precarious than of what he mortgages, as that of Paper Money is when compared to Land: And if it should ever become so plenty by indiscreet Persons continuing to take out a large Overplus, above what is necessary in Trade, so as to make People imagine it would become by that Means of less Value than their mortgaged Lands, they would immediately of Course begin to pay it in again to the Office to redeem their Land, and continue to do so till there was no more left in Trade than was absolutely necessary. And thus the Proportion would find it self, (tho' there were a Million too much in the Office to be let out) without giving any one the Trouble of Calculation. It may perhaps be objected to what I have written concerning the Advantages of a large Addition to our Currency, _That if the People of this Province increase, and Husbandry is more followed, we shall overstock the Markets with our Produce of Flower,_ &c. To this it may be answered, that we can never have too many People (nor too much Money) For when one Branch of Trade or Business is overstocked with Hands, there are the more to spare to be employed in another. So if raising Wheat proves dull, more may (if there is Money to support and carry on new Manufactures) proceed to the raising and manufacturing of _Hemp_, _Silk_, _Iron_, and many other Things the Country is very capable of, for which we only want People to work, and Money to pay them with. Upon the Whole it may be observed, That it is the highest Interest of a Trading Country in general to make Money plentiful; and that it can be a Disadvantage to none that have honest Designs. It cannot hurt even the Usurers, tho' it should sink what they receive as Interest; because they will be proportionably more secure in what they lend; or they will have an Opportunity of employing their Money to greater Advantage, to themselves as well as to the Country. Neither can it hurt those Merchants who have great Sums out-standing in Debts in the Country, and seem on that Account to have the most plausible Reason to fear it; _to wit_, because a large Addition being made to our Currency, will increase the Demand of our Exporting Produce, and by that Means raise the Price of it, so that they will not be able to purchase so much Bread or Flower with 100 _l._ when they shall receive it after such an Addition, as they now can, and may if there is no Addition: I say it cannot hurt even such, because they will get in their Debts just in exact Proportion so much the easier and sooner as the Money becomes plentier; and therefore, considering the Interest and Trouble saved, they will not be Losers; because it only sinks in Value as a Currency, proportionally as it becomes more plenty. It cannot hurt the Interest of _Great Britain_, as has been shewn; and it will greatly advance the Interest of the Proprietor. It will be an Advantage to every industrious Tradesman, _&c._ because his Business will be carried on more freely, and Trade be universally enlivened by it. And as more Business in all Manufactures will be done, by so much as the Labour and Time spent in Exchange is saved, the Country in general will grow so much the richer. It is nothing to the Purpose to object the wretched Fall of the Bills in _New-England_ and _South-Carolina_, unless it might be made evident that their Currency was emitted with the same Prudence, and on such good Security as ours is; and it certainly was not. As this Essay is wrote and published in Haste, and the Subject in it self intricate, I hope I shall be censured with Candour, if, for want of Time carefully to revise what I have written, in some Places I should appear to have express'd my self too obscurely, and in others am liable to Objections I did not foresee. I sincerely desire to be acquainted with the Truth, and on that Account shall think my self obliged to any one, who will take the Pains to shew me, or the Publick, where I am mistaken in my Conclusions, And as we all know there are among us several Gentlemen of acute Parts and profound Learning, who are very much against any Addition to our Money, it were to be wished that they would favour the Country with their Sentiments on this Head in Print; which, supported with Truth and good Reasoning, may probably be very convincing. And this is to be desired the rather, because many People knowing the Abilities of those Gentlemen to manage a good Cause, are apt to construe their Silence in This, as an Argument of a bad One. Had any Thing of that Kind ever yet appeared, perhaps I should not have given the Publick this Trouble: But as those ingenious Gentlemen have not yet (and I doubt never will) think it worth their Concern to enlighten the Minds of their erring Countrymen in this Particular, I think it would be highly commendable in every one of us, more fully to bend our Minds to the Study of _What is the true Interest of PENNSYLVANIA;_ whereby we may be enabled, not only to reason pertinently with one another; but, if Occasion requires, to transmit Home such clear Representations, as must inevitably convince our Superiors of the Reasonableness and Integrity of our Designs. _B. B._ _Philadelphia, April_ 3. 1729. Philadelphia, New Printing-Office, 1729 _The Printer to the Reader_ The _Pennsylvania Gazette_ being now to be carry'd on by other Hands, the Reader may expect some Account of the Method we design to proceed in. Upon a View of _Chambers_'s great Dictionaries, from whence were taken the Materials of the _Universal Instructor in all Arts and Sciences_, which usually made the First Part of this Paper, we find that besides their containing many Things abstruse or insignificant to us, it will probably be fifty Years before the Whole can be gone thro' in this Manner of Publication. There are likewise in those Books continual References from Things under one Letter of the Alphabet to those under another, which relate to the same Subject, and are necessary to explain and compleat it; these taken in their Turn may perhaps be Ten Years distant; and since it is likely that they who desire to acquaint themselves with any particular Art or Science, would gladly have the whole before them in a much less Time, we believe our Readers will not think such a Method of communicating Knowledge to be a proper One. However, tho' we do not intend to continue the Publication of those Dictionaries in a regular Alphabetical Method, as has hitherto been done; yet as several Things exhibited from them in the Course of these Papers, have been entertaining to such of the Curious, who never had and cannot have the Advantage of good Libraries; and as there are many Things still behind, which being in this Manner made generally known, may perhaps become of considerable Use, by giving such Hints to the excellent natural Genius's of our Country, as may contribute either to the Improvement of our present Manufactures, or towards the Invention of new Ones; we propose from Time to Time to communicate such particular Parts as appear to be of the most general Consequence. As to the _Religious Courtship_, Part of which has been retal'd to the Publick in these Papers, the Reader may be inform'd, that the whole Book will probably in a little Time be printed and bound up by it self; and those who approve of it, will doubtless be better pleas'd to have it entire, than in this broken interrupted Manner. There are many who have long desired to see a good News-Paper in _Pennsylvania_; and we hope those Gentlemen who are able, will contribute towards the making This such. We ask Assistance, because we are fully sensible, that to publish a good News-Paper is not so easy an Undertaking as many People imagine it to be. The Author of a _Gazette_ (in the Opinion of the Learned) ought to be qualified with an extensive Acquaintance with Languages, a great Easiness and Command of Writing and Relating Things cleanly and intelligibly, and in few Words; he should be able to speak of War both by Land and Sea; be well acquainted with Geography, with the History of the Time, with the several Interests of Princes and States, the Secrets of Courts, and the Manners and Customs of all Nations. Men thus accomplish'd are very rare in this remote Part of the World; and it would be well if the Writer of these Papers could make up among his Friends what is wanting in himself. Upon the Whole, we may assure the Publick, that as far as the Encouragement we meet with will enable us, no Care and Pains shall be omitted, that may make the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ as agreeable and useful an Entertainment as the Nature of the Thing will allow. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 2, 1729 _"One Piles a Fidler"_ And sometime last Week, we are informed, that one Piles a Fidler, with his Wife, were overset in a Canoo near Newtown Creek. The good Man, 'tis said, prudently secur'd his Fiddle, and let his Wife go to the Bottom. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 16,1729 _Fire and the Nature of Horses_ We hear from Trenton, that on Friday the 5th Instant, a good new Stable belonging to Mr. John Severn, was burnt down to the Ground, in which was consumed five Load of English Hay, and seven Horses were burnt to Death; occasioned by the Carelessness of a Servant, who let a Candle fall among the Hay. About the same Time a Barn and Stable was burnt near Allen's-Town: The Owner attempting to save a good Horse he had in the Stable, very narrowly escap'd with his own Life; 'tis observed as something unaccountable in the Nature of Horses, that they are so far from endeavouring to avoid the Danger of Fire, as to stand obstinately and suffer themselves to be burnt; nor will they be led from it unless first made blindfold. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 16, 1729 _The Trial and Reprieve of Prouse and Mitchel_ Last Week at a Court of Oyer and Terminer held in this City, two Servants, James Prouse and James Mitchel (the same who broke Prison some time since, and were retaken at Amboy) were tried for Burglary. It appeared by the King's Evidence, that _Prouse_ entred the House of Mr. _Sheed_, Barber, in Front-street, (being admitted by a Servant of the Family) and there broke open a Desk, from whence he took _Seven Pounds Ten Shillings_ in Paper Money, and some Copper Half-pence; and that _Mitchel_ in the mean time waited without to watch. It was proved that the Money lost was found upon _Prouse_ when he was taken; who only said in his Defence at the Bar, that it was given him by Mr. _Sheed_'s Man to keep. _Mitchel_ in his Defence said, that tho' he had been in Company with _Prouse_ and other Servants drinking _Rum_ out of Town in the Day Time, being Sunday, yet that he heard nothing of any Contrivance to Rob, or the like; and that he was in Bed when the Fact was committed, from whence _Prouse_ afterwards call'd him to go and drink, but did not acquaint with what had been done. The Jury brought them both in Guilty; and _Prouse_ being asked what he had to say why Sentence of Death should not pass against him, answered, that he had nothing to say in his own Behalf, but declared that _Mitchel_ was wholly innocent, and knew nothing of the Fact. The Court passed Sentence on them both, but directed _Mitchel_ to apply to His Honour the Governour for Mercy. Mr. _Sheed_'s Servant (who in the above Trial was Evidence for the King) is hereafter to be tried for Robbery; the Law not making it Burglary in a Servant to open a Door in the Night time, tho' it be to admit Thieves, _&c_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 23, 1729 We hear to Morrow is appointed for the Execution of _Prouse_ and _Mitchel_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 13, 1729/30 _We think our Readers will not be displeased to have the following remarkable Transaction related to them in this particular Manner._ Wednesday the 14th Instant, being the Day appointed for the Execution of _James Prouse_ and _James Mitchel_ for Burglary, suitable Preparations were accordingly made. The tender Youth of one of them (who was but about 19) and the supposed Innocence of the other as to the Fact for which they were condemned, had induced the Judges (upon the Application of some compassionate People) to recommend them to His Honour's known Clemency: But several Malefactors having been already pardoned, and every Body being sensible, that, considering the great Increase of Vagrants and idle Persons, by the late large Importation of such from several Parts of _Europe_, it was become necessary for the common Good to make some Examples, there was but little Reason to hope that either, and less that both of them might escape the Punishment justly due to Crimes of that enormous Nature. About 11 o'Clock the Bell began to Toll, and a numerous Croud of People was gathered near the Prison, to see these unhappy young Men brought forth to suffer. While their Irons were taken off, and their Arms were binding, _Prouse_ cry'd immoderately; but _Mitchel_ (who had himself all along behaved with unusual Fortitude) endeavoured in a friendly tender Manner to comfort him: _Do not cry, Jemmy;_ (says he) _In an Hour or two it will be over with us, and we shall both be easy_. They were then placed in a Cart, together with a Coffin for each of them, and led thro' the Town to the Place of Execution: _Prouse_ appear'd extreamly dejected, but _Mitchel_ seemed to support himself with a becoming manly Constancy: When they arriv'd at the fatal Tree, they were told that it was expected they should make some Confession of their Crimes, and say something by Way of Exhortation to the People. _Prouse_ was at length with some Difficulty prevailed on to speak; he said, his Confession had been taken in Writing the Evening before; he acknowledged the Fact for which he was to die, but said, That _Greyer_ who had sworn against him was the Person that persuaded him to it; and declared that he had never wronged any Man beside Mr. _Sheed_, and his Master. _Mitchel_ being desired to speak, reply'd with a sober compos'd Countenance, _What would you have me to say? I am innocent of the Fact_. He was then told, that it did not appear well in him to persist in asserting his Innocence; that he had had a fair Trial, and was found guilty by twelve honest and good Men. He only answer'd, _I am innocent; and it will appear so before God;_ and sat down. Then they were both bid to stand up, and the Ropes were order'd to be thrown over the Beam; when the Sheriff took a Paper out of his Pocket and began to read. The poor Wretches, whose Souls were at that Time fill'd with the immediate Terrors of approaching Death, having nothing else before their Eyes, and being without the least Apprehension or Hope of a Reprieve, took but little Notice of what was read; or it seems imagined it to be some previous Matter of Form, as a Warrant for their Execution or the like, 'till they heard the Words PITY and MERCY [_And whereas the said_ James Prouse _and_ James Mitchel _have been recommended to me as proper Objects of Pity and Mercy._] Immediately _Mitchel_ fell into the most violent Agony; and having only said, _God bless the Governor_, he swooned away in the Cart. Suitable Means were used to recover him; and when he came a little to himself, he added; _I have been a great Sinner; I have been guilty of almost every Crime; Sabbath-breaking in particular, which led me into ill Company; but Theft I never was guilty of. God bless the Governor; and God Almighty's Name be praised;_ and then swooned again. _Prouse_ likewise seemed to be overwhelmed with Joy, but did not swoon. All the Way back to the Prison, _Mitchel_ lean'd on his Coffin, being unable to support himself, and shed Tears in abundance. He who went out to die with a large Share of Resolution and Fortitude, returned in the most dispirited Manner imaginable; being utterly over-power'd by the Force of that sudden Turn of excessive Joy, for which he had been no Way prepared. The Concern that appeared in every Face while these Criminals were leading to Execution, and the Joy that diffused it self thro' the whole Multitude, so visible in their Countenances upon the mention of a Reprieve, seems to be a pleasing Instance, and no small Argument of the general laudable Humanity even of our common People, who were unanimous in their loud Acclamations of _God bless the Governor for his Mercy_. The following are Copies of the Papers delivered out by _Prouse_ and _Mitchel_ the Evening before, with little or no Alteration from their own Words. "I _James Prouse_ was born in the Town of _Brentford_ in _Middlesex_ County in _Old England_, of honest Parents, who gave me but little Education. My Father was a Corporal in the late Lord _Oxford_'s Regiment of Horse, (then named the said Lord's Blues) and I was for some Time in the Care of an Uncle who lived at _Eling_ near _Brentford_ aforesaid, and who would have given me good Learning; but I being young would not take his good Counsel, and in the 12th Year of my Age came into _Philadelphia_, where I was recommended to one of the best of Masters, who never let me want for any Thing: But I minding the evil Insinuations of wicked People, more than the good Dictates of my Master, and having not the Fear of God before my Eyes, am deservedly brought to this wretched and shameful End. I acknowledge I justly merit Death for the Fact which condemns me; but I never had the least Design or Thought of the like, until often press'd, and at length seduced to it by _John Greyer_, who was the only Person that ruined me. He often solicited me to be guilty of other Crimes of the like Nature, but I never was guilty of any such, neither with him or any one else; neither did I ever wrong any Man before, save my too indulgent Master; from whom I now and then pilfer'd a Yard or the like of Cloth, in order to make Money to spend with the said _Greyer_. As for _James Mitchel_ who dies for the same Fact with me, as I hope to receive Mercy at the great Tribunal, he the said _James Mitchel_ is intirely innocent, (*) and knew nothing of the Fact until apprehended and taken. I am about Nineteen Years of Age and die a Protestant. _JAMES PROUSE_." (*) N. B. _He declared the same Thing at the Bar just before he received Sentence_. _The Speech or Declaration of_ James Mitchel _written with his own Hand_. "I _James Mitchel_, was born, at _Antrim_ in the Kingdom of _Ireland_, of good and honest Parents, and brought up with them until the Age of 13 Years, and had a suitable Education given me, such as being taught to read and write _English_, with some _Latin_; and might have been further instructed, but at my earnest Request was bound Apprentice to a Book-binder, and served 4 Years to that Trade; after which I left the Kingdom and went for _England_ in order to be further improved in my Business; but there had the Misfortune to be press'd on board the _Berwick_ Man of War, commanded by the Honorable _George Gordon_, and having been at several Parts abroad, returned to _England_ in _Octob_. 1728. where I was by Sickness reduced to a very sad Condition, through which I came over to this Country a Servant; here I was it seems unfortunately led into bad Company, and one Evening by _James Prouse_ was raised out of my Bed to go and drink with him and one _Greyer_, the which _Greyer_ after parting gave to the said _James Prouse_ Six-pence, which was all the Money I saw that Night and till next Morning, and then _James Prouse_ took out of his Pocket a 15 Shilling Bill, and desired me to get it changed for him, in order to spend some of it; but coming unto Town I was apprehended for the robbing of Mr. _George Sheed_, and now am to die for the same. I die a Protestant. _JAMES MITCHEL_." _The Pennsylvania Gazette,_ January 20, 1729/30 _A Gallant Duel and an Unhappy Man_ Saturday last, about nine o'Clock in the Morning two young _Hibernian_ Gentlemen met on _Society Hill_, and fought a gallant Duel before a Number of Spectators not very usual on such Occasions. The Cause of their Quarrel is it seems unknown; and as they were parted without much Difficulty, and neither of them received any considerable Hurt, it is generally looked upon to be only a Piece of _Theatrical Representation_. The same Day an unhappy Man one _Sturgis_, upon some Difference with his Wife, determined to drown himself in the River; and she, (kind Wife) went with him, it seems, to see it faithfully performed, and accordingly stood by silent and unconcerned during the whole Transaction: He jump'd in near _Carpenter_'s Wharff, but was timely taken out again, before what he came about was thoroughly effected, so that they were both obliged to return home as they came, and put up for that Time with the Disappointment. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 10, 1729/30 _Printer's Errors_ _To the Publisher of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette. _Printerum est errare._ _SIR,_ As your last Paper was reading in some Company where I was present, these Words were taken Notice of in the Article concerning Governor _Belcher_, [_After which his Excellency, with the Gentlemen trading to New-England,_ died _elegantly at Pontack's_]. The Word _died_ should doubtless have been _dined_, _Pontack_'s being a noted Tavern and Eating-house in _London_ for Gentlemen of Condition; but this Omission of the letter (_n_) in that Word, gave us as much Entertainment as any Part of your Paper. One took the Opportunity of telling us, that in a certain Edition of the Bible, the Printer had, where _David_ says _I am fearfully and wonderfully made_, omitted the Letter (_e_) in the last Word, so that it was, _I am fearfully and wonderfully mad_; which occasion'd an ignorant Preacher, who took that Text, to harangue his Audience for half an hour on the Subject of _Spiritual Madness._ Another related to us, that when the Company of Stationers in _England_ had the Printing of the Bible in their Hands, the Word (_not_) was left out in the Seventh Commandment, and the whole Edition was printed off with _Thou shalt commit Adultery_, instead of _Thou shalt not_, &c. This material _Erratum_ induc'd the Crown to take the Patent from them which is now held by the King's Printer. The _Spectator_'s Remark upon this Story is, that he doubts many of our modern Gentlemen have this faulty Edition by 'em, and are not made sensible of the Mistake. A Third Person in the Company acquainted us with an unlucky Fault that went through a whole Impression of Common-Prayer-Books; in the Funeral Service, where these Words are, _We shall all be changed in a moment, in the twinkling of an Eye,_ &c. the Printer had omitted the (_c_) in _changed_, and it read thus, _We shall all be hanged,_ &c. And lastly, a Mistake of your Brother News-Printer was mentioned, in _The Speech of_ James Prouse _written the Night before he was to have been executed_, instead of _I die a Protestant_, he has put it, _I died a Protestant_. Upon the whole you came off with the more favourable Censure, because your Paper is most commonly very correct, and yet you were never known to triumph upon it, by publickly ridiculing and exposing the continual Blunders of your Contemporary. Which Observation was concluded by a good old Gentleman in Company, with this general just Remark, That whoever accustoms himself to pass over in Silence the Faults of his Neighbours, shall meet with much better Quarter from the World when he happens to fall into a Mistake himself; for the Satyrical and Censorious, whose Hand is against every Man, shall upon such Occasions have every Man's Hand against him. _I am, SIR, your Friend,_ &c. J. T. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 13, 1729/30 _Letter of the Drum_ _To the Publisher of the_ GAZETTE. _SIR,_ I know well that the Age in which we live, abounds in _Spinosists_, _Hobbists_, and _most impious Free-Thinkers_, who despise _Revelation_, and treat the _most sacred Truths_ with _Ridicule_ and _Contempt_: Nay, to such an Height of Iniquity are they arrived, that they not only deny the _Existence_ of the _Devil_, and of _Spirits_ in general, but would also persuade the World, that the Story of _Saul_ and the _Witch of Endor_ is an Imposture; and which is still worse, that no Credit is to be given to the so well-attested One of the _Drummer_ of _Tedsworth._ I do, indeed, confess that the Arguments of some of these unbelieving Gentlemen, with whom I have heretofore conversed on the Subject of _Spirits_, _Apparitions_, _Witches_, &c. carried with them a great Shew of Reason, and were so specious, that I was strongly inclined to think them in the Right; and for several Years past have lived without any Fear or Apprehensions of _Daemons_ or _Hobgoblins_; but the Case is quite alter'd with me now; and I who used to sleep without drawing my Curtains, am now so fearful, that I pin them every Night I go to Bed with corking Pins, and cover my self Head over Ears with the Clothes. Now this Change is not owing, as you would imagine, to any frightful Apparition I have seen, or uncommon Noise I have heard; but to a most amazing Account I received the other Day from a Reverend Gentleman, of a certain House's being haunted with the _D ------ l_ of a Drummer, not a whit less obstreperous, than the _Tedsworthian_ Tympanist: This Gentleman, whose Veracity few People presume to call in Question, told me, that he was not long since obliged to meet some of his Brethren, at a certain Town about fifteen Miles below _Philadelphia_, in order to settle some Affairs of the Church, and to consult on proper Measures to prevent the _Growth of Atheism_; that he was there joined by four of his Brethren; who insisting that it was unpresidented to proceed to Business at their first Meeting, they thereupon unanimously agreed to defer their Consultations 'till the next Day; that they spent the Evening chearfully, yet soberly; that about ten at Night they retired to repose themselves, but lodged in separate Rooms; that he, with his Companion, were no sooner warm in their Bed, than they heard a Drum beating very loud, now on the one Side of their Bed, then on the other, and in a Moment after on the Teaster; that sometimes they distinctly heard the _Scots Traveller_, and at other Times the _Grenadiers March_; that the Noise continued all Night, frighted them almost to Death, and yet, which is the most surprizing and unaccountable Part of the Relation, disturbed no Mortal in the House save themselves; that early in the Morning they went into the next Room, where they found two of their Brethren sleeping soundly; that they were amazed to find them so fast asleep after such a terrible Night; that having awakened them, they asked whether they had not been disturbed with the Noise of a Drum? that they replied, They had rested well, and were surprized to hear them ask such a Question, and hinted that they believed them to be out of their Senses; upon which he related to them the Adventure of the Night, so full of Horror, with all the Particulars I have mentioned, and many more which I have omitted; That at first they seemed to give little Credit to what he said; but upon his Bedfellow's affirming it to be true, they appeared to be satisfied of the Reality of the Fact. Then the Gentleman went on with his Story in this wise: That the next Night he with his Companion went to Bed in the same Room, in which they had been so terribly frighten'd; that they had not taken their first Nap, before they heard an uncouth Noise under them; that his Companion was shortly after seized violently and forcibly by the great Toe, and in great Danger of being pulled out of the Bed; but that upon the Beating of the Drum, which happen'd at the same Instant, his Toe was released; and that to prevent any future Attacks, they hoisted their Knees up to their very Noses; the Noise still growing louder, they felt a most prodigious Weight on them, heavier, as he said, than the _Night-Mare_; that by his Voice they presently discovered it to be one of their Brethren, who had come into their Room on purpose to scare them; either believing that they had told him a Fib, or that they were under such potent Influences the Night before, as made them imagine they heard a Drum, when in Reality they did not; But mark, said the Relater to me; according to the old Proverb, _Harm watch Harm catch_; for he was so frighted himself, that he would not have ventured back to his own Room, though he were sure to be made a Bishop; so that we were obliged to share our Bed with him, in which we lay sweating, and almost dead with Fear, 'till Morning. Thus he concluded his surprizing Relation, which wrought so strongly on me, that I could no longer Doubt of the _D ------ l_'s having plaid them this Prank; and to this Story only my Timorousness is owing. Now, I know well enough, that some Folks will be apt to say; it is all a Lye, a meer Forgery; in short, they will raise an infinite Number of Objections to destroy its Credit; for when I told it to a certain Person, he swore it could not be true; because in a Piece of the learned _Greutzius_, which he had read, _De examine Sagarum_, he found that all the Divines in _Germany_ were clearly of Opinion, that the Devil never begins to play his Pranks 'till after Midnight, and that no Spectres were seen before that Time; and this Noise beginning between ten and eleven both Nights, he was assured, for that Reason, that the Devil was no Way concern'd in it; but he had almost staggered me, when he told me this Story: _A certain Curate lived in the Island of_ Jamaica, _who loved his Bottle, no Curate better; he chanced to be drinking in a Tavern, when he was called upon to do the last Offices to a Brother departed; upon which with great Reluctance he leaves his Company, but told them he would return immediately: away he hies to the Place of Burial, and, as is usual, reads over the Service for the Dead, 'till he came to the Words,_ I heard a Voice from Heaven, saying, blessed, _&c. at which he was interrupted by one of his Companions, who had followed him from the Ale-house, with a `By G ------ that's a d ------ 'd Lye, for I have been drinking with you all Day at Mother ------ _'s, _and if you had heard the Voice, I should have heard it too, for my Ears are as good as yours.'_ The Gentleman left me to apply the Story. Now, Sir, as I take you to be a Person of profound Learning and Judgment, I desire you will set me to rights, by giving me your Opinion candidly, whether I ought to give Credit to the above Relation or not, altho' it be attested by two Reverend Fathers, _I am, Sir, yours,_ &c. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 23, 1730 _On that Odd Letter of the Drum_ _To the Author of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette. _SIR,_ _Burlington, April_ 27. 1730. As I am your sincere Friend and Well-wisher, it is with a great deal of Pleasure I have observed your prudent Management of the News-Paper, in which, till last Week, there has been no one Thing seen that might justly give Offence either to Church or State, or to any private Person: But when I reflect how good a Judge you are of what is or is not proper to be published in that manner, I am puzzled to think what could induce you to insert that odd Letter of the _Drum_ in your last _Gazette._ I am satisfied you know better than to imagine that such a Thing would please the Generality of your Readers, or that it might be instrumental in doing Good to any one Creature living; I believe you have had no Reason to be piqu'd against the Gentlemen there reflected on; and as to the Wit and Humour which some Persons of reputed Taste pretend to discern in it, I protest I can see none, and I think that true Wit and Humour cannot be employ'd in ridiculing Things serious and sacred. Whoever was the Writer of it, notwithstanding his seeming Reflection on _Spinosists_, _Hobbists_, _and most impious Freethinkers_, his Design is apparent, To bring the Dispensers of Religion among us into Contempt, and to weaken our Belief of the Divine Writings; a Design, in my Opinion, very unworthy an honest Man and a good Subject, even tho' he was of no Religion at all. His depreciating the Holy Scriptures, by insinuating that the Story of the Drummer of _Tedsworth_ is a better attested One than that of _Saul_ and the Witch of _Endor_, as also his satyrical Sneer at the Meeting of those Reverend Gentlemen _to prevent the Growth of Atheism_, I pass over at present without any further Remark; and as I apprehend that Arguments drawn from the Truth of our Religion, will have but little Weight with this Writer, in dissuading him from such a Way of indulging his satyrical Humour, I would only request him to consider these Things seriously, _to wit_, That wise Men have in all Ages thought Government necessary for the Good of Mankind; and, that wise Governments have always thought Religion necessary for the well ordering and well-being of Society, and accordingly have been ever careful to encourage and protect the Ministers of it, paying them the highest publick Honours, that their Doctrines might thereby meet with the greater Respect among the common People; And that if there were no Truth in Religion, or the Salvation of Men's Souls not worth regarding, yet, in consideration of the inestimable Service done to Mankind by the Clergy, as they are the Teachers and Supporters of Virtue and Morality, without which no Society could long subsist, prudent Men should be very cautious how they say or write any thing that might bring them into Contempt, and thereby weaken their Hands and render their Labours ineffectual. If this Writer is a Man of good Sense, as I am willing to think he is, I am persuaded this single Consideration will be sufficient to prevail with him never more to employ his Pen in so unjustifiable a manner. For my Part, I am entirely unacquainted with the Fact, the Relation of which this Writer pretends to have at first believ'd, till the Story of the _Jamaica_ Curate stagger'd his Faith. If he really believ'd the Relation at first, I cannot see why that Story should stagger his Faith in the least: For tho' one Man's Ears may be as good as another's when both are awake and in Company, it does not thence follow that one Man may not sleep sounder than another when in Bed. Besides, as far as we know, _there is nothing absolutely impossible in the Thing it self:_ We cannot be certain there are no Spirits existing; it is rather highly probable that there are: But we are sure that if Spirits do exist, we are very ignorant of their Natures, and know neither their Motives nor Methods of Acting, nor can we tell by what Means they may render themselves perceptible to our Senses. Those who have contemplated the Nature of Animals seem to be convinced that Spirit can act upon Matter, for they ascribe the Motion of the Body to the Will and Power of the Mind. Anatomists also tell us, that there are Nerves of Communication from all Parts of the Body to the Brain: And Philosophers assure us, that the Vibrations of the Air striking on the Auditory Nerves, give to the Brain the Sensation of what we call Sound; and that the Rays of Light striking on the optic Nerves, communicate a Motion to the Brain which forms there the Image of that Thing from which those Rays were reflected: We find that a sudden Blow upon the Eye shakes the visual Nerve in the same Manner as when Light strikes it, and therefore we think we see a Light, when there is no such Thing at that Time visible without us, and no one standing by can see it, but the Person that is struck alone. Now, how can we be assur'd that it is not in the Power of a Spirit _without_ the body to operate in a like manner on the Nerves of Sight, and give them the same Vibrations as when a certain Object appears before the Eye, (tho' no such Object is really present) and accordingly make a particular Man see the Apparition of any Person or Thing at Pleasure, when no One else in Company can see it? May not such a Spirit likewise occasion the same Vibrations in the auditory Nerves as when the Sound of a Drum, or any other Sound, is heard, and thereby affect the Party in the same manner as a real Drum beating in the Room would do, tho' no one hears it but himself. Perhaps I need not have said all this to a Person who believes _the well-attested Story of the Drummer of Tedsworth_, since there are many other Stories, equally incontestible with that, by which reasonable Men are convinc'd that Spirits do not only actually exist, but are able to make themselves sometimes both seen and heard. In the Close of his Letter, after paying a Complement to your _profound Learning and Judgment_, he requests _your Opinion, _whether he ought to give Credit to the said Relation, tho' it be attested by two Reverend Fathers_. Since you have not thought proper to say any thing to it, I beg Leave to give the Gentleman my Opinion, which is, _That he may very safely believe it_, and that for the following Reasons. 1. Because, as I have shewn above, there is nothing absolutely impossible in the Thing it self. 2. Because they were Men of Probity, Learning and sound good Sense, who related this Fact to him upon their own Knowledge. If they were not such, 'tis presum'd they would not have been thought proper Persons to be made publick Instructors. 3. Because they both concur'd in the same Testimony; and it cannot be imagin'd what Interest they should have in contriving together to impose a Falshood of that Nature upon him; since they could expect Nothing but to be ridicul'd for their Pains, both by him and every other unthinking Sceptic in the Country. If you insert this Epistle in your next Gazette, I shall believe you did not approve of That I have been writing against, and shall continue, _SIR,_ _Your real Friend and constant Reader,_ PHILOCLERUS. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 7, 1730 _An Unlucky She-Wrestler_ We have here an unlucky She-Wrestler who has lately thrown a young Weaver, and broke his Leg, so that tis thought he will not be able to tread the Treadles these two Months. In the mean Time, however, he may employ himself in winding Quills. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 23, 1730 _Rules and Maxims for Promoting Matrimonial Happiness_ _Ver novum, ver jam canorum, vere natus Orbis est: Vere concordant amores, vere nubent alites_ -- Catul. _Faelices ter, & amplius, Quos irrupta tenet Copula: nec malis Divulsis Querimoniis Suprema citius solvet amor die_. Horat. The happy State of Matrimony is, undoubtedly, the surest and most lasting Foundation of Comfort and Love; the Source of all that endearing Tenderness and Affection which arises from Relation and Affinity; the grand Point of Property; the Cause of all good Order in the World, and what alone preserves it from the utmost Confusion; and, to sum up all, the Appointment of infinite Wisdom for these great and good Purposes. Notwithstanding, such is the Perverseness of human Nature, and so easy is it to misuse the best of Things, that by the Folly and Ill-behaviour of those who enter into it, this is very often made a State of the most exquisite Wretchedness and Misery; which gives the wild and vicious Part of Mankind but too much reason to rail against it, and treat it with Contempt. Wherefore, it highly becomes the virtuous of both Sexes, by the Prudence of their Conduct, to redeem this noble Institution from those unjust Reproaches which it at present labours under, and restore it to the Honour and Esteem it merits, by endeavouring to make each other as happy as they can. I am now about to lay down such Rules and Maxims as I think most practicable and conducive towards the End and Happiness of Matrimony. And these I address to all Females that would be married, or are already so; not that I suppose their Sex more faulty than the other, and most to want Advice, for I assure them, upon my Honour, I believe the quite contrary; but the Reason is, because I esteem them better disposed to receive and practice it, and therefore am willing to begin, where I may promise myself the best Success. Besides, if there is any Truth in Proverbs, _Good Wives_ usually make _Good Husbands_. _RULES and MAXIMS for promoting_ Matrimonial Happiness. _Address'd to all_ Widows, Wives, _and_ Spinsters. The likeliest Way, either to obtain a _good Husband_, or to keep one _so_, is to be _Good_ yourself. Never use a _Lover_ ill whom you design to make your _Husband_, lest he either upbraid you with it, or return it afterwards: and if you find, at any Time, an Inclination to play the Tyrant, remember these two Lines of Truth and Justice. _Gently shall those be_ rul'd, _who_ gently _sway'd;_ Abject _shall those_ obey, _who_ haughty _were_ obey'd. Avoid, both before and after Marriage, all Thoughts of _managing_ your Husband. Never endeavour to deceive or impose on his Understanding: nor give him _Uneasiness_ (as some do very foolishly) to _try_ his Temper; but treat him always beforehand with _Sincerity_, and afterwards with _Affection_ and _Respect_. Be not over sanguine before Marriage, nor promise your self Felicity without Alloy, for that's impossible to be attain'd in this present State of Things. Consider beforehand, that the Person you are going to spend your Days with, is a Man, and not an Angel; and if, when you come together, you discover any Thing in his Humour or Behaviour that is not altogether so agreeable as you expected, _pass it over as a humane Frailty_: smooth your Brow; compose your Temper; and try to amend it by _Cheerfulness_ and Good-nature. Remember always, that whatever Misfortunes may happen to either, they are not to be charg'd to the Account of _Matrimony_, but to the Accidents and Infirmities of humane Life, a Burthen which each has engaged to assist the other in supporting, and to which both Parties are equally expos'd. Therefore, instead of _Murmurs_, _Reflections_, and _Disagreement_, whereby the _Weight_ is rendred abundantly more _grievous_, readily put your Shoulders to the Yoke, and make it easier to both. Resolve every Morning to be _good-natur'd_ and CHEERFUL that Day: and if any Accident should happen to break that Resolution, suffer it not to put you out of Temper with every Thing besides, and especially with your Husband. Dispute not with him, be the Occasion what it will; but much rather deny yourself the trivial Satisfaction of having your own Will, or gaining the better of an Argument, than risk a Quarrel or create an Heart-burning, which it's impossible to know the End of. Be assured, a Woman's Power, as well as Happiness, has no other Foundation but her Husband's Esteem and Love, which consequently it is her undoubted Interest by all Means possible to preserve and increase. Do you, therefore, study his Temper, and command your own; enjoy his Satisfaction with him, share and sooth his Cares, and with the utmost Diligence conceal his Infirmities. Read frequently with due Attention the Matrimonial Service; and take care in doing so, not to overlook the Word _Obey_. In your Prayers be sure to add a Clause for Grace to make you a good Wife; and at the same Time, resolve to do your utmost endeavour towards it. Always wear your Wedding Ring, for therein lies more Virtue than usually is imagined. If you are ruffled unawares, assaulted with improper Thoughts, or tempted in any kind against your Duty, cast your Eyes upon it, and call to Mind, who gave it you, where it was received, and what passed at that solemn Time. Let the Tenderness of your conjugal Love be expressed with such Decency, Delicacy and Prudence, as that it may appear plainly and thorowly distinct from the designing Fondness of an Harlot. Have you any Concern for your own Ease, or for your Husband's Esteem? then, have a due Regard to his Income and Circumstances in all your Expences and Desires: For if Necessity should follow, you run the greatest Hazard of being deprived of both. Let not many Days pass together without a serious Examination how you have behaved as a Wife, and if upon Reflection you find your self guilty of any Foibles or Omissions, the best Attonement is, to be exactly careful of your future Conduct. I am fully persuaded, that a strict Adherence to the foregoing Rules would equally advance the Honour of Matrimony, and the _Glory_ of the _Fair Sex_: And since the greatest Part of them, with a very little Alteration, are as proper for Husbands as for Wives to practice, I recommend them accordingly to their Consideration, and hope, in a short time, to receive Acknowledgments from _married Persons_ of _both Sexes_ for the Benefit they receive thereby. And now, in behalf of my _unlearned Readers_, I beg Leave of my _learned Ones_, to conclude this Discourse with Mr. _Creech_'s Translation of that Part of _Horace_ which I have taken for the _Motto_ of this Paper. _Thrice happy_ They, _that free from_ Strife, _Maintain a_ Love _as long as Life: Whose fixt and binding Vows, No intervening_ Jealousy, _No_ Fears _and no_ Debates _untye; And_ Death _alone can loose_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 8, 1730 _A Witch Trial at Mount Holly_ _Burlington, Oct_. 12. Saturday last at _Mount-Holly_, about 8 Miles from this Place, near 300 People were gathered together to see an Experiment or two tried on some Persons accused of Witchcraft. It seems the Accused had been charged with making their Neighbours Sheep dance in an uncommon Manner, and with causing Hogs to speak, and sing Psalms, &c. to the great Terror and Amazement of the King's good and peaceable Subjects in this Province; and the Accusers being very positive that if the Accused were weighed in Scales against a Bible, the Bible would prove too heavy for them; or that, if they were bound and put into the River, they would swim; the said Accused desirous to make their Innocence appear, voluntarily offered to undergo the said Trials, if 2 of the most violent of their Accusers would be tried with them. Accordingly the Time and Place was agreed on, and advertised about the Country; The Accusers were 1 Man and 1 Woman; and the Accused the same. The Parties being met, and the People got together, a grand Consultation was held, before they proceeded to Trial; in which it was agreed to use the Scales first; and a Committee of Men were appointed to search the Men, and a Committee of Women to search the Women, to see if they had any Thing of Weight about them, particularly Pins. After the Scrutiny was over, a huge great Bible belonging to the Justice of the Place was provided, and a Lane through the Populace was made from the Justices House to the Scales, which were fixed on a Gallows erected for that Purpose opposite to the House, that the Justice's Wife and the rest of the Ladies might see the Trial, without coming amongst the Mob; and after the Manner of _Moorfields_, a large Ring was also made. Then came out of the House a grave tall Man carrying the Holy Writ before the supposed Wizard, &c. (as solemnly as the Sword-bearer of _London_ before the Lord Mayor) the Wizard was first put in the Scale, and over him was read a Chapter out of the Books of _Moses_, and then the Bible was put in the other Scale, (which being kept down before) was immediately let go; but to the great Surprize of the Spectators, Flesh and Bones came down plump, and outweighed that great good Book by abundance. After the same Manner, the others were served, and their Lumps of Mortality severally were too heavy for _Moses_ and all the Prophets and Apostles. This being over, the Accusers and the rest of the Mob, not satisfied with this Experiment, would have the Trial by Water; accordingly a most solemn Procession was made to the Mill-pond; where both Accused and Accusers being stripp'd (saving only to the Women their Shifts) were bound Hand and Foot, and severally placed in the Water, lengthways, from the Side of a Barge or Flat, having for Security only a Rope about the Middle of each, which was held by some in the Flat. The Accuser Man being thin and spare, with some Difficulty began to sink at last; but the rest every one of them swam very light upon the Water. A Sailor in the Flat jump'd out upon the Back of the Man accused, thinking to drive him down to the Bottom; but the Person bound, without any Help, came up some time before the other. The Woman Accuser, being told that she did not sink, would be duck'd a second Time; when she swam again as light as before. Upon which she declared, That she believed the Accused had bewitched her to make her so light, and that she would be duck'd again a Hundred Times, but she would duck the Devil out of her. The accused Man, being surpriz'd at his own Swimming, was not so confident of his Innocence as before, but said, _If I am a Witch, it is more than I know._ The more thinking Part of the Spectators were of Opinion, that any Person so bound and plac'd in the Water (unless they were mere Skin and Bones) would swim till their Breath was gone, and their Lungs fill'd with Water. But it being the general Belief of the Populace, that the Womens Shifts, and the Garters with which they were bound help'd to support them; it is said they are to be tried again the next warm Weather, naked. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 22, 1730 _The Aurora Borealis_ Last Thursday Evening there was seen throughout this Province in the N. East, a very bright Appearance of the _Aurora Borealis_, or Northern Twilight. It seems this kind of Meteor never appears near the Equator, and has therefore obtained the above Name. In 1716, March 6. there was one visible to the West of _Ireland_, Confines of _Russia_, and to the East of _Poland_; extending at least near 30 deg. of Longitude, and 50 deg. in Latitude, that is, over almost all the North of _Europe_; it continued three Nights successively, and in all Places at the same time it exhibited the like wondrous Circumstances. In the Years 1707 and 1708, five small ones were observ'd in little more than eighteen Months. But a sufficient Number of Observations have not yet been made by the Curious, to enable them to assign the Cause of this Phaenomenon with any Certainty. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 29, 1730 _The Earliest New-England Immigrants_ Sometime since, the following Lines were found stuck on the outside of the Door of the Council Chamber. _Our Fathers pass'd the wide_ Atlantick _Sea, And bless'd themselves when in the Desert Free: And shall their Sons thro' Treachery and Fear, Give up that Freedom which has cost so dear? Whate'er Pretence our Enemies may frame, The Man is alter'd, but the Cause the same. From_ Caesar'_s Court should_ Cato _fawning come, Be sure that_ Cato _is no Friend to_ Rome. To which a Gentleman in _New-York_ has wrote the following Answer. _Their Fathers crost the wide_ Atlantick Sea, _To be in Desarts from their_ Deserts _free; And shall their Sons with glaring Insolence Support a Cause so void of common Sense? What-e'er Pretence this stubborn People frame, The Case is alter'd, but the Men the same. From_ Caesar'_s Court should a new Ruler come, Be sure they'll starve him, as they've others done._ Whatever Wit there may be in this Answer, it contains one Reflection not altogether just: Since 'tis certain, that the greatest Part of the Settlers of New-England removed thither on no other Account than for the sake of enjoying their Liberty, especially their religious Liberties, in greater Security: Being persecuted at home, as _Puritans_ in the Reign of _James_ I. and among all other Dissenters in the Reign of _Charles_ II. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 5, 1730 _Lying Shopkeepers_ _Veritas Luce clarior_. A Friend of mine was the other Day cheapening some Trifles at a Shopkeepers, and after a few Words, they agreed on a Price; at the lapping up this Purchase, the Mistress of the Shop told him, People were grown very hard, for she actually lost by every thing she sold: How then is it possible, replied my Friend, that you can keep on your Business? Indeed, Sir, answer'd she, I must of Necessity shut my Doors, had I not a very great Trade. The Reason, said my Friend, with a Sneer, is admirable. There are a great many Retailers, who falsly imagine that being _Historical_ (the modern Phrase for _Lying_) is much for their Advantage; and some of them have a Saying, _That 'tis a Pity Lying is a Sin, it is so useful in Trade_; tho', if they would examine into the Reason why a Number of Shopkeepers raise considerable Estates, while others, who have set out with better Fortunes have become Bankrupts; they will find, that the former made up with Truth, Diligence and Probity, what they wanted in Stock, and the latter have been guilty of imposing on such Customers as they found had no Skill in their Goods. The former's Character raises a Credit which supplies the Want of Fortune, and their fair Dealing, brings them Custom; whereas none will return to buy of him, by whom he has been once defrauded. If People in Trade would judge rightly, we might buy blindfold, and they would save, both to themselves and Customers, the uneasiness of Haggling. Though there are Numbers of Shopkeepers, who scorn that mean Vice of _Lying_, and whose Word may very safely be relied on; yet there are too many, who will endeavour to deceive, and, backing their Falsities with Asseverations, pawn their Salvation to raise their Price. As Example works more than Precept, and my sole View being the Good and Interest of my Countrymen, whom I could wish without Vice or Folly, I shall shew the Esteem of _Truth_, and the Abbhorrence of _Falsity_ among the Antients. _Augustus_ triumphing over _Mark Anthony_ and _Cleopatra_, among other Captives, brought to _Rome_ a Priest about 60 Years old. The Senate being inform'd that this Man was never detected in a _Lie_, and thought never to have been guilty of one, not only restored him to his Liberty, but made him a High Priest, and raised him a Statue. This Priest thus honoured, was an _Aegyptian_, and an Enemy to _Rome_, but this Virtue cover'd all Obstacles: Whereas _Pamphilus_ was a _Roman_ Citizen, whose Body was deny'd Burial, his Estate confiscated, his House raz'd, and his Wife and Children banished the _Roman_ Territories, for his having been a noted and irreclaimable _Liar_. Can there be a greater Demonstration of Respect to Truth than this of the _Romans_, who raised an Enemy to the greatest Honour, and exposed a Citizen's Family to the greatest Contumely! There is no Excuse for _Lying_, neither is there any equally despicable and dangerous with a _Liar_, no Man being in Safety who frequents his Company; for who will _lie_ (says the _English_ Proverb) will _swear_; and such an one may take away my Life, turn my Family a begging, and ruin my Reputation, whenever he shall find it for his Interest: For if a Man will _lie_ and _swear_ in his Shop to get a Trifle, why should we question his doing of it, when he may hope to make his Fortune by his _Perjury_! the Crime is in itself so mean, that to call a Man a _Liar_, is every where esteem'd an Affront not to be forgiven. If any have Lenity enough to allow the _Dealer_'s Excuse for this base Practice, yet I believe they will allow none for the _Gentleman_ who is addicted to this Vice, and must look upon him as a Wretch undeserving the Name; and that the World does so, is visible, by the Contempt with which he is mentioned whenever there is Occasion to name him. _Epimenides_ the Philosopher, gave the _Rhodians_ this Definition of Truth, That she was Companion of the Gods, the Joy of Heaven, the Light of the Earth, the Basis of Justice, and the Foundation of good Policy. _Eschines_ told the same People, that Truth was a Virtue, without which, Force was enfeebled, Justice corrupted; Humility was Dissimulation, Patience intolerable, Chastity dissembled, Liberty lost, and Pity superfluous. _Pharmacus_ the Philosopher; told the _Romans_, that Truth was the Centre in which all Things rested; a Chart to sail by, a Remedy for all Evils, and a Light to the whole World. _Anaxarchus_ speaking of _Truth_, to the _Lacedemonians_, said, It was Health incapable of Sickness; Life not subject to Death; an Elixir which healeth all; a Sun not to be obscur'd; a Moon without Eclipse; an Herb which never withereth; a Gate that is never closed, and a Path which never fatigues the Traveller. But if we are blind to the Beauties of _Truth_, it's astonishing that we should not open our Eyes to the Inconveniencies of Falsities; for a Man given to Romance, must be always on his Guard, for Fear of contradicting, and exposing himself to the Derision of his Hearers: For the most _Historical_ would avoid the odious Character; tho' 'tis impossible for any, with all their Circumspection, to travel long in this Road, without being discover'd; and then what Shame, what Confusion follows! he is continually anxious to hide himself from the Knowledge of the World, and loads his Memory with Trifles, for fear of being taken with his own Words. Whereas, who is a Votary to _Truth_, never hesitates for an Answer, never wrecks his Invention, to make the Sequel quadrate with the foregoing Part of his Discourse; is not obliged to burden his Memory with minute Circumstances, since Truth easily recollects them, speaks openly, and will repeat the same Things often, without varying; which a _Liar_ can hardly do, without that necessary Gift, a good Memory. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 19, 1730 _Replies by "Betty Diligent" and "Mercator"_ _As a Nail sticketh fast between the Joinings of the Stones, so doth Sin stick close between Buying and Selling._ Apocrypha. We have received the two following Letters, relating to our _Gazette_ of the 19th past. The first is from a _Shopkeeper_, and the other from a _Merchant_. _To the Author of the_ GAZETTE. _SIR,_ `I am a Shopkeeper in this City, and I suppose am the Person at whom some Reflections are aimed in one of your late Papers. It is an easy Matter for Gentlemen that can write, to say a great deal upon any Subject, and to censure Faults of which perhaps they are as guilty as other People. I cannot help thinking that Paper is wrote with much Partiality, and is a very unfair Representation of Things. Shopkeepers are therein accus'd of _Lying_, as if they were the only Persons culpable, without the least Notice being taken of the general Lying practis'd by _Customers_. _I am sure 'tis very ordinary at that Price; I have bought much better at such a one's Shop for less Money;_ are very common Falsities repeated on this Occasion, almost worn threadbare; but some have even the Confidence to aver, _that they have bought cheaper of me;_ when I know the Price they mention is less than the Goods cost me. In short, they will tell a hundred Lies to undervalue our Goods, and make our Demands appear extravagant: So that the Blame of all the Lying properly belongs to the Customers that come to buy; because if the Shopkeepers strain the Truth a little now and then, they are forc'd to do it in their own Defence. In hopes you will do us Justice in this Affair, I remain, _Your Friend and Servant,_ Betty Diligent.' Mr. _Gazetteer_, `You have in a late Paper very justly taken Notice of, and censur'd the too common Practice of Lying used by Shopkeepers in _selling_ their Goods; but you have omitted just one half the Story, _viz._ their Lying when they come to the Stores to _buy_. I believe they think Lying full as convenient and beneficial in _buying_ their Goods as selling them; for to my Knowledge some of them are most egregiously guilty in this Particular. _I am, Sir, Yours_, &c. Mercator.' _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 3, 1730 _On the Providence of God in the Government of the World_ When I consider my own Weakness, and the discerning Judgment of those who are to be my Audience, I cannot help blaming my self considerably, for this rash Undertaking of mine, it being a Thing I am altogether ill practis'd in and very much unqualified for; I am especially discouraged when I reflect that you are all my intimate Pot Companions who have heard me say a 1000 silly Things in Conversations, and therefore have not that laudable Partiality and Veneration for whatever I shall deliver that Good People commonly have for their Spiritual Guides; that You have no Reverence for my Habit, nor for the Sanctity of my Countenance; that you do not believe me inspir'd or divinely assisted, and therefore will think your Selves at Liberty to assent or dissent approve or disapprove of any Thing I advance, canvassing and sifting it as the private Opinion of one of your Acquaintance. These are great Disadvantages and Discouragements but I am enter'd and must proceed, humbly requesting your Patience and Attention. I propose at this Time to discourse on the Subject of our last Conversation: the Providence of God in the Government of the World. I shall not attempt to amuse you with Flourishes of Rhetorick, were I master of that deceitful Science because I know ye are Men of substantial Reason and can easily discern between sound Argument and the false Glosses of Oratory; nor shall I endeavour to impose on your Ears, by a musical Accent in delivery, in the Tone of one violently affected with what he says; for well I know that ye are far from being superstitious or fond of unmeaning Noise, and that ye believe a Thing to be no more true for being sung than said. I intend to offer you nothing but plain Reasoning, devoid of Art and Ornament; unsupported by the Authority of any Books or Men how sacred soever; because I know that no Authority is more convincing to Men of Reason than the Authority of Reason itself. It might be judg'd an Affront to your Understandings should I go about to prove this first Principle, the Existence of a Deity and that he is the Creator of the Universe, for that would suppose you ignorant of what all Mankind in all Ages have agreed in. I shall therefore proceed to observe: 1. That he must be a Being of great Wisdom; 2. That he must be a Being of great Goodness and 3. That he must be a Being of great Power. That he must be a Being of infinite Wisdom, appears in his admirable Order and Disposition of Things, whether we consider the heavenly Bodies, the Stars and Planets, and their wonderful regular Motions, or this Earth compounded of such an Excellent mixture of all the Elements; or the admirable Structure of Animal Bodies of such infinite Variety, and yet every one adapted to its Nature, and the Way of Life it is to be placed in, whether on Earth, in the Air or in the Waters, and so exactly that the highest and most exquisite human Reason, cannot find a fault and say this would have been better so or in another Manner, which whoever considers attentively and thoroughly will be astonish'd and swallow'd up in Admiration. 2. That the Deity is a Being of great Goodness, appears in his giving Life to so many Creatures, each of which acknowledge it a Benefit by their Unwillingness to leave it; in his providing plentiful Sustenance for them all, and making those Things that are most useful, most common and easy to be had; such as Water necessary for almost every Creature's Drink; Air without which few could subsist, the inexpressible Benefits of Light and Sunshine to almost all Animals in general; and to Men the most useful Vegetables, such as Corn, the most useful of Metals as Iron, and the most useful Animals, as Horses, Oxen and Sheep, he has made easiest to raise, or procure in Quantity or Numbers: each of which particulars if considered seriously and carefully would fill us with the highest Love and Affection. 3. That he is a Being of infinite Power appears, in his being able to form and compound such Vast Masses of Matter as this Earth and the Sun and innumerable Planets and Stars, and give them such prodigious Motion, and yet so to govern them in their greatest Velocity as that they shall not flie off out of their appointed Bounds nor dash one against another, to their mutual Destruction; but 'tis easy to conceive his Power, when we are convinc'd of his infinite Knowledge and Wisdom; for if weak and foolish Creatures as we are, by knowing the Nature of a few Things can produce such wonderful Effects; such as for instance by knowing the Nature only of Nitre and Sea Salt mix'd we can make a Water which will dissolve the hardest Iron and by adding one Ingredient more, can make another Water which will dissolve Gold and render the most Solid Bodies fluid -- and by knowing the Nature of Salt Peter Sulphur and Charcoal those mean Ingredients mix'd we can shake the Air in the most terrible Manner, destroy Ships Houses and Men at a Distance and in an Instant, overthrow Cities, rend Rocks into a Thousand Pieces, and level the highest Mountains. What Power must he possess who not only knows the Nature of every Thing in the Universe, but can make Things of new Natures with the greatest Ease and at his Pleasure! Agreeing then that the World was at first made by a Being of infinite Wisdom, Goodness and Power, which Being we call God; The State of Things ever since and at this Time must be in one of these four following manners, viz. 1. Either he unchangeably decreed and appointed every Thing that comes to pass; and left nothing to the Course of Nature, nor allow'd any Creature free agency. or 2. Without decreeing any thing, he left all to general Nature and the Events of Free Agency in his Creatures, which he never alters or interrupts. or 3. He decreed some Things unchangeably, and left others to general Nature and the Events of Free agency, which also he never alters or interrupts; or 4. He sometimes interferes by his particular Providence and sets aside the Effects which would otherwise have been produced by any of the Above Causes. I shall endeavour to shew the first 3 Suppositions to be inconsistent with the common Light of Reason; and that the 4th is most agreeable to it, and therefore most probably true. In the 1. place. If you say he has in the Beginning unchangeably decreed all Things and left Nothing to Nature or free Agency. These Strange Conclusions will necessarily follow; 1. That he is now no more a God. 'Tis true indeed, before he had made such unchangeable Decree, he was a Being of Power, Almighty; but now having determin'd every Thing, he has divested himself of all further Power, he has done and has no more to do, he has ty'd up his Hands, and has now no greater Power than an Idol of Wood or Stone; nor can there be any more Reason for praying to him or worshipping of him, than of such an Idol for the Worshippers can be never the better for such Worship. Then 2. he has decreed some things contrary to the very Notion of a wise and good Being; Such as that some of his Creatures or Children shall do all Manner of Injury to others and bring every kind of Evil upon them without Cause; that some of them shall even blaspheme him their Creator in the most horrible manner; and, which is still more highly absurd that he has decreed the greatest Part of Mankind, shall in all Ages, put up their earnest Prayers to him both in private and publickly in great Assemblies, when all the while he had so determin'd their Fate that he could not possibly grant them any Benefits on that Account, nor could such Prayers be any way available. Why then should he ordain them to make such Prayers? It cannot be imagined they are of any Service to him. Surely it is not more difficult to believe the World was made by a God of Wood or Stone, than that the God who made the World should be such a God as this. In the 2. Place. If you say he has decreed nothing but left all things to general Nature, and the Events of Free Agency, which he never alters or interrupts. Then these Conclusions will follow; He must either utterly hide him self from the Works of his Hands, and take no Notice at all of their Proceedings natural or moral; or he must be as undoubtedly he is, a Spectator of every thing; for there can be no Reason or Ground to suppose the first -- I say there can be no Reason to imagine he would make so glorious a Universe meerly to abandon it. In this Case imagine the Deity looking on and beholding the Ways of his Creatures; some Hero's in Virtue he sees are incessantly indeavouring the Good of others, they labour thro vast difficulties, they suffer incredible Hardships and Miseries to accomplish this End, in hopes to please a Good God, and obtain his Favour, which they earnestly Pray for; what Answer can he make them within himself but this; _take the Reward Chance may give you, I do not intermeddle in these Affairs;_ he sees others continually doing all manner of Evil, and bringing by their Actions Misery and Destruction among Mankind: What can he say here but this, _if Chance rewards you I shall not punish you, I am not to be concerned._ He sees the just, the innocent and the Beneficent in the Hands of the wicked and violent Oppressor; and when the good are at the Brink of Destruction they pray to him, _thou, O God, art mighty and powerful to save; help us we beseech thee:_ He answers, _I cannot help you, 'tis none of my Business nor do I at all regard these things._ How is it possible to believe a wise and an infinitely Good Being can be delighted in this Circumstance; and be utterly unconcern'd what becomes of the Beings and Things he has created; for thus, we must believe him idle and unactive, and that his glorious Attributes of Power, Wisdom and Goodness are no more to be made use of. In the Third Place. If you say he has decreed some things and left others to the Events of Nature and Free Agency, Which he never alters or interrupts; Still you unGod him, if I may be allow'd the Expression; he has nothing to do; he can cause us neither Good nor Harm; he is no more to be regarded than a lifeless Image, than Dagon, or Baall, or Bell and the Dragon; and as in both the other Suppositions foregoing, that Being which from its Power is most able to Act, from its Wisdom knows best how to act, and from its Goodness would always certainly act best, is in this Opinion supposed to become the most unactive of all Beings and remain everlastingly Idle; an Absurdity, which when considered or but barely seen, cannot be swallowed without doing the greatest Violence to common Reason, and all the Faculties of the Understanding. We are then necessarily driven into the fourth Supposition, That the Deity sometimes interferes by his particular Providence, and sets aside the Events which would otherwise have been produc'd in the Course of Nature, or by the Free Agency of Men; and this is perfectly agreeable with what we can know of his Attributes and Perfections: But as some may doubt whether 'tis possible there should be such a Thing as free Agency in Creatures; I shall just offer one Short Argument on that Account and proceed to shew how the Duties of Religion necessary follow the Belief of a Providence. You acknowledge that God is infinitely Powerful, Wise and Good, and also a free Agent; and you will not deny that he has communicated to us part of his Wisdom, Power and Goodness; i.e. he has made us in some Degree Wise, potent and good; and is it then impossible for him to communicate any Part of his Freedom, and make us also in some Degree Free? Is not even his _infinite_ Power sufficient for this? I should be glad to hear what Reason any Man can give for thinking in that Manner; 'tis sufficient for me to shew tis not impossible, and no Man I think can shew 'tis improbable, but much more might be offer'd to demonstrate clearly that Men are in some Degree free Agents, and accountable for their Actions; however, this I may possibly reserve for another separate Discourse hereafter if I find Occasion. Lastly If God does not sometimes interfere by his Providence tis either because he cannot, or because he will not; which of these Positions will you chuse? There is a righteous Nation grievously oppress'd by a cruel Tyrant, they earnestly intreat God to deliver them; If you say he cannot, you deny his infinite Power, which you at first acknowledg'd; if you say he will not, you must directly deny his infinite Goodness. You are then of necessity oblig'd to allow, that 'tis highly reasonable to believe a Providence because tis highly absurd to believe otherwise. Now if tis unreasonable to suppose it out of the Power of the Deity to help and favour us particularly or that we are out of his Hearing or Notice or that Good Actions do not procure more of his Favour than ill Ones. Then I conclude, that believing a Providence we have the Foundation of all true Religion; for we should love and revere that Deity for his Goodness and thank him for his Benefits; we should adore him for his Wisdom, fear him for his Power, and pray to him for his Favour and Protection; and this Religion will be a Powerful Regulater of our Actions, give us Peace and Tranquility within our own Minds, and render us Benevolent, Useful and Beneficial to others. 1730 _Compassion and Regard for the Sick_ --------- _Mors sola fatetur Quantula sunt hominum corpuscula _ ------ Juv. _Post obitum bene facta manent, aeternaq; virtus Non metuit Stygiis nec rapiatur aquis._ Among all the innumerable Species of Animals which inhabit the Air, Earth and Water, so exceedingly different in their Production, their Properties, and the Manner of their Existence, and so varied in Form, that even of the same Kind it can scarce be said there are two Individuals in all Respects alike; it is remarkable there are none, within our Observation, distinguish'd from the rest by this Particular, _that they are by Nature incapable of DISEASES_. The old Poets, how extravagant soever in their Fictions, durst never offend so far against Nature and Probability, as even to feign such a Thing; and though they made _Achilles_ invulnerable from Head to Foot, and clad him beside in impenetrable Armour forg'd by the Immortals, yet they were oblig'd to leave one soft Place in his Heel, how small soever, for Destruction to enter at. But though every Animal that hath Life is liable to Death, Man of all other Creatures has the greatest Number of _Diseases_ to his Share; whether they are the Effects of our Intemperance and Vice, or are given us that we may have a greater Opportunity of exercising towards each other that Virtue which most of all recommends us to the Deity, I mean _CHARITY._ The great Author of our Faith, whose Life should be the constant Object of our Imitation, as far as it is not inimitable, always shew'd the greatest Compassion and Regard for the _SICK_; he disdain'd not to Visit and minister Comfort and Health to the meanest of the People, and he frequently inculcated the same Disposition in his Doctrine and Precepts to his Disciples. For this one Thing (in that beautiful Parable of the Traveller wounded by Thieves) the _Samaritan_, (who was esteemed no better than an Heretick or an Infidel by the Orthodox of those Times) is prefer'd to the _Priest_ and the _Levite_; because he did not, like them, pass by regardless of the Distress of his Brother Mortal, but when he came to the Place where the half-dead Traveller lay, he _had Compassion on him, and WENT TO HIM, and bound up his Wounds, pouring in Oyl and Wine, and set him on his own Beast, and brought him to an Inn, and TOOK CARE OF HIM_. The Rich Man also is represented as being excluded from the Happiness of Heaven, because he fared sumptuously every Day, and had Plenty of all Things, and yet neglected to comfort and assist his poor Neighbour who was helpless and _full of Sores_, and might perhaps have been revived and restored with small Care, _with the Crums that fell from his Table_. -- _I was SICK and ye VISITED me_, is one of the Terms of Admission into Bliss, and the contrary a Cause of Exclusion: That is, as our Saviour himself explains it, _Ye have visited, or ye have not visited, assisted and comforted those who stood in need of it, even tho' they were the least or meanest of Mankind._ This Branch of _Charity_ seems essential to the true Spirit of Christianity; and it should be extended to all in general, whether deserving or undeserving, as far as our Power reaches. Of the ten Lepers that were cleansed, nine seem to have been much more unworthy than the tenth, yet in respect of their Disease they equally shared the Goodness of God. And when the great Physician sent forth his Disciples, he always gave them a particular Charge, _that into whatsoever City they entred, they should heal_ all _the Sick,_ without distinction. Now tho' in these Days we cannot work Miracles, and are not all Physicians; yet in this time of general Distress by Sickness, there are few Persons that have their Health, but what have Opportunity enough of exercising that humane and Christian Virtue, which teaches a tender Regard for the Afflicted. It is thought by some, that in the present Distemper, a greater Number have been heretofore lost for want of suitable Care and Attendance, than thro' the natural Malignity of the Disease. The Rich have Visitors enough, and Advice enough; but perhaps there may be some poor Families, where not only those few that are well, have their Health endanger'd by the constant Fatigue of Watching Night and Day, but the Sick suffer much for want of Friends to offer their Assistance. The good _Samaritan_ gave _Money_ to the Host where he had lodg'd his Patient, and said, _TAKE CARE OF HIM, and what thou spendest more, I will repay thee._ If our Circumstances will not afford This, we may at least be helpful in Visiting, Watching, and doing many other kind Things, which the Poor have almost as much in their Power as the Wealthy. Now if the Considerations of Religion and Humanity have not the Effect they ought to have on the Minds of some, perhaps this Observation, which generally holds true, may have its weight with the Self-interested, _That there are no Kindnesses done by one Man to another, which are remembred so long, and so frequently return'd with Gratitude, as those received in Sickness, whether they are only present Comforts, or assist in restoring Health_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 25, 1731 _English Officials for America_ We hear from _North-Carolina_, That Governor _Burrington_ is arrived there, accompanied by several Gentlemen, who are to have the chief Places of Profit and Trust in that Government. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 27, 1731 _Apology for Printers_ Being frequently censur'd and condemn'd by different Persons for printing Things which they say ought not to be printed, I have sometimes thought it might be necessary to make a standing Apology for my self, and publish it once a Year, to be read upon all Occasions of that Nature. Much Business has hitherto hindered the execution of this Design; but having very lately given extraordinary Offence by printing an Advertisement with a certain _N.B._ at the End of it, I find an Apology more particularly requisite at this Juncture, tho' it happens when I have not yet Leisure to write such a thing in the proper Form, and can only in a loose manner throw those Considerations together which should have been the Substance of it. I request all who are angry with me on the Account of printing things they don't like, calmly to consider these following Particulars 1. That the Opinions of Men are almost as various as their Faces; an Observation general enough to become a common Proverb, _So many Men so many Minds._ 2. That the Business of Printing has chiefly to do with Mens Opinions; most things that are printed tending to promote some, or oppose others. 3. That hence arises the peculiar Unhappiness of that Business, which other Callings are no way liable to; they who follow Printing being scarce able to do any thing in their way of getting a Living, which shall not probably give Offence to some, and perhaps to many; whereas the Smith, the Shoemaker, the Carpenter, or the Man of any other Trade, may work indifferently for People of all Persuasions, without offending any of them: and the Merchant may buy and sell with Jews, Turks, Hereticks, and Infidels of all sorts, and get Money by every one of them, without giving Offence to the most orthodox, of any sort; or suffering the least Censure or Ill-will on the Account from any Man whatever. 4. That it is as unreasonable in any one Man or Set of Men to expect to be pleas'd with every thing that is printed, as to think that nobody ought to be pleas'd but themselves. 5. Printers are educated in the Belief, that when Men differ in Opinion, both Sides ought equally to have the Advantage of being heard by the Publick; and that when Truth and Error have fair Play, the former is always an overmatch for the latter: Hence they chearfully serve all contending Writers that pay them well, without regarding on which side they are of the Question in Dispute. 6. Being thus continually employ'd in serving all Parties, Printers naturally acquire a vast Unconcernedness as to the right or wrong Opinions contain'd in what they print; regarding it only as the Matter of their daily labour: They print things full of Spleen and Animosity, with the utmost Calmness and Indifference, and without the least Ill-will to the Persons reflected on; who nevertheless unjustly think the Printer as much their Enemy as the Author, and join both together in their Resentment. 7. That it is unreasonable to imagine Printers approve of every thing they print, and to censure them on any particular thing accordingly; since in the way of their Business they print such great variety of things opposite and contradictory. It is likewise as unreasonable what some assert, _That Printers ought not to print any Thing but what they approve;_ since if all of that Business should make such a Resolution, and abide by it, an End would thereby be put to Free Writing, and the World would afterwards have nothing to read but what happen'd to be the Opinions of Printers. 8. That if all Printers were determin'd not to print any thing till they were sure it would offend no body, there would be very little printed. 9. That if they sometimes print vicious or silly things not worth reading, it may not be because they approve such things themselves, but because the People are so viciously and corruptly educated that good things are not encouraged. I have known a very numerous Impression of _Robin Hood's Songs_ go off in this Province at 2_s_. per Book, in less than a Twelvemonth; when a small Quantity of _David's Psalms_ (an excellent Version) have lain upon my Hands above twice the Time. 10. That notwithstanding what might be urg'd in behalf of a Man's being allow'd to do in the Way of his Business whatever he is paid for, yet Printers do continually discourage the Printing of great Numbers of bad things, and stifle them in the Birth. I my self have constantly refused to print any thing that might countenance Vice, or promote Immorality; tho' by complying in such Cases with the corrupt Taste of the Majority, I might have got much Money. I have also always refus'd to print such things as might do real Injury to any Person, how much soever I have been solicited, and tempted with Offers of great Pay; and how much soever I have by refusing got the Ill-will of those who would have employ'd me. I have heretofore fallen under the Resentment of large Bodies of Men, for refusing absolutely to print any of their Party or Personal Reflections. In this Manner I have made my self many Enemies, and the constant Fatigue of denying is almost insupportable. But the Publick being unacquainted with all this, whenever the poor Printer happens either through Ignorance or much Persuasion, to do any thing that is generally thought worthy of Blame, he meets with no more Friendship or Favour on the above Account, than if there were no Merit in't at all. Thus, as _Waller_ says, _Poets loose half the Praise they would have got Were it but known what they discreetly blot;_ Yet are censur'd for every bad Line found in their Works with the utmost Severity. I come now to the particular Case of the _N.B._ above-mention'd, about which there has been more Clamour against me, than ever before on any other Account. -- In the Hurry of other Business an Advertisement was brought to me to be printed; it signified that such a Ship lying at such a Wharff, would sail for _Barbadoes_ in such a Time, and that Freighters and Passengers might agree with the Captain at such a Place; so far is what's common: But at the Bottom this odd Thing was added, N.B. _No Sea Hens nor Black Gowns will be admitted on any Terms._ I printed it, and receiv'd my Money; and the Advertisement was stuck up round the Town as usual. I had not so much Curiosity at that time as to enquire the Meaning of it, nor did I in the least imagine it would give so much Offence. Several good Men are very angry with me on this Occasion; they are pleas'd to say I have too much Sense to do such things ignorantly; that if they were Printers they would not have done such a thing on any Consideration; that it could proceed from nothing but my abundant Malice against Religion and the Clergy: They therefore declare they will not take any more of my Papers, nor have any farther Dealings with me; but will hinder me of all the Custom they can. All this is very hard! I believe it had been better if I had refused to print the said Advertisement. However, 'tis done and cannot be revok'd. I have only the following few Particulars to offer, some of them in my Behalf, by way of Mitigation, and some not much to the Purpose; but I desire none of them may be read when the Reader is not in a very good Humour. 1. That I really did it without the least Malice, and imagin'd the _N.B._ was plac'd there only to make the Advertisement star'd at, and more generally read. 2. That I never saw the Word _Sea-Hens_ before in my Life; nor have I yet ask'd the meaning of it; and tho' I had certainly known that _Black Gowns_ in that Place signified the Clergy of the Church of _England_, yet I have that confidence in the generous good Temper of such of them as I know, as to be well satisfied such a trifling mention of their Habit gives them no Disturbance. 3. That most of the Clergy in this and the neighbouring Provinces, are my Customers, and some of them my very good Friends; and I must be very malicious indeed, or very stupid, to print this thing for a small Profit, if I had thought it would have given them just Cause of Offence. 4. That if I have much Malice against the Clergy, and withal much Sense; 'tis strange I never write or talk against the Clergy my self. Some have observed that 'tis a fruitful Topic, and the easiest to be witty upon of all others. I can print any thing I write at less Charge than others; yet I appeal to the Publick that I am never guilty this way, and to all my Acquaintance as to my Conversation. 5. That if a Man of Sense had Malice enough to desire to injure the Clergy, this is the foolishest Thing he could possibly contrive for that Purpose. 6. That I got Five Shillings by it. 7. That none who are angry with me would have given me so much to let it alone. 8. That if all the People of different Opinions in this Province would engage to give me as much for not printing things they don't like, as I can get by printing them, I should probably live a very easy Life; and if all Printers were every where so dealt by, there would be very little printed. 9. That I am oblig'd to all who take my Paper, and am willing to think they do it out of meer Friendship. I only desire they would think the same when I deal with them. I thank those who leave off, that they have taken it so long. But I beg they would not endeavour to dissuade others, for that will look like Malice. 10. That 'tis impossible any Man should know what he would do if he was a Printer. 11. That notwithstanding the Rashness and Inexperience of Youth, which is most likely to be prevail'd with to do things that ought not to be done; yet I have avoided printing such Things as usually give Offence either to Church or State, more than any Printer that has followed the Business in this Province before. 12. And lastly, That I have printed above a Thousand Advertisements which made not the least mention of _Sea-Hens_ or _Black Gowns_; and this being the first Offence, I have the more Reason to expect Forgiveness. I take leave to conclude with an old Fable, which some of my Readers have heard before, and some have not. "A certain well-meaning Man and his Son, were travelling towards a Market Town, with an Ass which they had to sell. The Road was bad; and the old Man therefore rid, but the Son went a-foot. The first Passenger they met, asked the Father if he was not ashamed to ride by himself, and suffer the poor Lad to wade along thro' the Mire; this induced him to take up his Son behind him: He had not travelled far, when he met others, who said, they were two unmerciful Lubbers to get both on the Back of that poor Ass, in such a deep Road. Upon this the old Man gets off, and let his Son ride alone. The next they met called the Lad a graceless, rascally young Jackanapes, to ride in that Manner thro' the Dirt, while his aged Father trudged along on Foot; and they said the old Man was a Fool, for suffering it. He then bid his Son come down, and walk with him, and they travell'd on leading the Ass by the Halter; 'till they met another Company, who called them a Couple of sensless Blockheads, for going both on Foot in such a dirty Way, when they had an empty Ass with them, which they might ride upon. The old Man could bear no longer; My Son, said he, it grieves me much that we cannot please all these People; Let us throw the Ass over the next Bridge, and be no farther troubled with him." Had the old Man been seen acting this last Resolution, he would probably have been call'd a Fool for troubling himself about the different Opinions of all that were pleas'd to find Fault with him: Therefore, tho' I have a Temper almost as complying as his, I intend not to imitate him in this last Particular. I consider the Variety of Humours among Men, and despair of pleasing every Body; yet I shall not therefore leave off Printing. I shall continue my Business. I shall not burn my Press and melt my Letters. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 10, 1731 _"A certain St-n-c-tt-r"_ Friday Night last, a certain St-n-c-tt-r was, it seems, in a fair way of dying the Death of a Nobleman; for being caught Napping with another Man's Wife, the injur'd Husband took the Advantage of his being so fast asleep, and with a Knife began very diligently to cut off his Head. But the Instrument not being equal to the intended Operation, much Struggling prevented Success; and he was oblig'd to content himself for the present with bestowing on the Aggressor a sound Drubbing. The Gap made in the Side of the St-n-c-tt-r's Neck, tho' deep, is not thought dangerous; but some People admire, that when the Person offended had so fair and suitable an Opportunity, it did not enter into his Head to turn St-n-c-tt-r himself. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1731 _The Molasses Bill_ By way of Boston there is Advice, That a Bill for prohibiting the Importation of Rum, Sugar and Mellasses from the French and Dutch Plantations into the Northern Colonies in America, has pass'd both Houses of Parliament, pursuant to a Petition from the Island of Barbadoes. What Effect this will have, as to raising or falling the Prices of those Commodities and of our Flour, &c. is left to the Judicious to consider. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1731 _"A certain C-n-table"_ Sure some unauspicious cross-grain'd Planet, in Opposition to _Venus_, presides over the Affairs of Love about this Time. For we hear, that on Tuesday last, a certain C-n-table having made an Agreement with a neighbouring Female, to _Watch_ with her that Night; she promised to leave a Window open for him to come in at; but he going his Rounds in the dark, unluckily mistook the Window, and got into a Room where another Woman was in bed, and her Husband it seems lying on a Couch not far distant. The good Woman perceiving presently by the extraordinary Fondness of her Bedfellow that it could not possibly be her Husband, made so much Disturbance as to wake the good Man; who finding somebody had got into his Place without his Leave, began to lay about him unmercifully; and 'twas thought, that had not our poor mistaken Galant, call'd out manfully for Help (as if he were commanding Assistance in the King's Name) and thereby raised the Family, he would have stood no more Chance for his Life between the Wife and Husband, than a captive L ------ between two Thumb Nails. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 24, 1731 _"George is as good as de best"_ We are credibly inform'd, that the young Woman who not long since petitioned the Governor, and the Assembly to be divorced from her Husband, and at times industriously solicited most of the Magistrates on that Account, has at last concluded to cohabit with him again. It is said the Report of the Physicians (who in Form examined his _Abilities_, and allowed him to be in every respect _sufficient_,) gave her but small Satisfaction; Whether any Experiments _more satisfactory_ have been try'd, we cannot say; but it seems she now declares it as her Opinion, That _George is as good as de best_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 29, 1731 _Fighting Bucks_ We hear from Hopewell in the Jerseys, that on the 4th past, two Bucks were observed fighting near the new Meeting House there; one of them extraordinary large, supposed to be a Roe-buck; the other small and of the common sort. In company with them was a black Doe, who stood by to see the Engagement. The small Buck proved a full match for the great one, giving him many violent Punches in the Ribs, but in the height of the Battle, they fastned their Horns so strongly together, that they were not able with all their Strength to disengage; and in that condition they were taken. The Doe retreated into the Woods, but being pursued with several Beagle Hounds, she was taken also alive, and they have put her and the large Buck into a boarded Pasture together, in hopes to have a Breed, if the Sizes are not too unsuitable. This is the second Brace of Bucks that have been caught by the Horns this Fall. _Had they not better put 'em up quietly in their Pockets?_ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 7, 1731 _Doctrine to be Preached_ Doct. to be preached That there is one God Father of the Universe. That he is infinitely good, Powerful and wise. That he is omnipresent. That he ought to be worshipped, by Adoration Prayer and Thanksgiving both in publick and private. That he loves such of his Creatures as love and do good to others: and will reward them either in this World or hereafter. That Men's Minds do not die with their Bodies, but are made more happy or miserable after this Life according to their Actions. That Virtuous Men ought to league together to strengthen the Interest of Virtue, in the World: and so strengthen themselves in Virtue. That Knowledge and Learning is to be cultivated, and Ignnorance dissipated. That none but the Virtuous are wise. That Man's Perfection is in Virtue. 1731 _Death of a Lion_ _Boston, Jan._ 3. Last Saturday Night, The LYON, King of Beasts, who had travelled all over North America by Sea and Land, died here in a Tan-yard. Like other Kings, his Death was often reported, long before it happened. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 25, 1731/2 _A Burnt-Offering_ We hear from the Jersey side, that a Man near Sahaukan being disordred in his Senses, protested to his Wife that he would kill her immediately, if she did not put her Tongue into his Mouth: She through Fear complying, he bit off a large Piece of it; and taking it between his Fingers threw it into the Fire with these Words, _Let this be for a Burnt-Offering_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 15, 1731/2 _Lost Money_ Lost last Saturday Night, in Market Street, about 40 or 50 s. if the Finder will bring it to the Printer hereof, who will describe the Marks, he shall have 10 s. Reward. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 30, 1732 _On Simplicity_ There is in Humane Nature a certain charming Quality, innate and original to it, which is called SIMPLICITY. In latter Ages, this has been almost universally exploded, and banished from amongst Men, as the Characteristic of Folly; whilst _Cunning_ and _Artifice_ have prevailed in its stead, and with equal Justice been dignified with the Titles of Wisdom and Understanding. But I believe the juster Account of the Matter is, that Simplicity is the homespun Dress of Honesty, and Chicanery and Craft are the Tinsel Habits and the false Elegance which are worn to cover the Deformity of Vice and Knavery. In the first Ages of the World, when Men had no Wants but what were purely natural, before they had refin'd upon their Necessities, and Luxury and Ambition had introduced a Thousand fantastick Forms of Happiness, Simplicity was the Dress and Language of the World, as Nature was its Law. The little Cunning which was then in use, only taught them to ensnare, or to make tame such Animals as were necessary to their Support or their Convenience, and were otherwise too swift or too strong for them; but since these Arts have attain'd their utmost Perfection, Men have practised the same low Stratagems upon one another, and by an infinite Variety of Disguises and well-covered Treacheries, have long since instituted those little Basenesses among the necessary Arts and Knowledges of Life, and practised without Scruple, that which they have long owned without Shame. But if we look into the History of the World, and into the Characters of those who have had the greatest Names in it, we shall find, that this original Simplicity of Mind has gradually been worn off in every Age, down to the present Time, when there is hardly any Characters of it remaining undefaced. The old Greeks and Romans, whose unperishable Writings have preserved to us the Actions and Manners of their Countrymen, and who were so well studied in all the Forms and reasonable Happinesses of Life, are so full of that just and beautiful Stile and Sentiment, as seems to have been the only proper Method of transcribing the frank and open Characters of the Heroes they celebrate, and of making them and their Writers immortal. To prove the natural Charm and Beauty there is in this Simplicity, we need only, at this Day, as false as the World is grown, retire but far enough from great Cities, the Scenes of all worldly Business and Action; and, I believe, the most cunning Man will be obliged to own, the high and sincere Pleasure there is in conversing from the Heart, and without Design. What Relief do we find in the simple and unaffected Dialogues of uncorrupted Peasants, after the tiresome Grimace of the Town! The veriest Double-Dealer in the World is ever hankering after an Opportunity to open his own Heart, tho' perhaps he curseshimself after he has done it. We are all forward enough to protest and complain against the Falshood and Treachery of Mankind, tho' the Remedy be always in our own Power, and each is at Liberty to reform himself. But perhaps we need not be forced always to go into the Country in search of this amiable Complexion of Mind, Simplicity; for I believe it will be found sometimes, that the Men of the truest Genius and highest Characters in the Conduct of the World, (as few of them as rise in any Age) are observed to possess this Quality in the highest Degree. They are Pretenders only, to Policy and Business, who have recourse to Cunning, and the little Chicaneries thereof: for Cunning is but the Ape of Wisdom, as Sheepishness is of Modesty, Impudence of Courage, and Pedantry of Learning. -- Cunning, says my Lord _Bacon_, is a sinister or crooked Wisdom, and Dissimulation but a faint kind of Policy; for it asks a strong Wit and a strong Heart, to know when to tell Truth and to do it; therefore they are the weaker sort of Politicians, that are the greatest Dissemblers. And certainly there is a great Difference between a cunning Man and a wise One, not only in point of Honesty but in point of Ability; as there are those that can pack the Cards, who cannot play the Game well. Cunning is a Vice purely personal, and is with the greatest Difficulty practised in free and mixed Assemblies. A cunning Man is obliged to hunt his Game alone, and to live in the dark; he is uncapable of Counsel and Advice, for his dishonest Purpose dies upon Discovery. A vertuous and an honourable Action only, will bear a Conference and Freedom of Debate. And this is the Part of true Wisdom, to be busy and assistant in a fair and worthy Design. None but Fools are Knaves, for wise Men cannot help being honest. Cunning therefore is the Wisdom of a Fool; one who has Designs that he dare not own. To draw these loose Thoughts towards an End. If Cunning were any real Excellence in Human Nature, how comes it that the greatest and ablest, the most amiable and worthy of Mankind, are often entirely without it, and vastly above it; while Numbers of the weaker Part are observed to be very expert therein; sordid and ignorant Servants, and dishonest idle Vagabonds, often attain to the highest Perfection in it. Simplicity we are sure is natural, and the highest Beauty of Nature; and all that is excellent in Arts which Men have invented, is either to demonstrate this native Simplicity and Truth in Nature, or to teach us to transcribe and copy in every Thing from it. Simplicity of Speech and Manners is the highest Happiness as well as the greatest Ornament of Life; whereas nothing is so tiresome to one's self, as well as so odious to others, as Disguise and Affectation. Who was ever cunning enough to conceal his being so? No Mask ever hid it self. In a Word, those cunning Men, tho' they are not declared Enemies to the World, yet they are really Spies upon it, and ought in the Justice of Things to be considered and treated as such, whenever they are caught. And to what purpose is all this Craft? To make themselves suspected and avoided by the World in return, and to have never a Friend in it. A Knave cannot have a Friend, any more than he can be one: An honest Man must discover him, a Rascal will betray him. And by this Time I hope my Reader and I are agreed, that Wisdom and Vertue are the same Thing, as Knavery and Cunning are generally so too; and that for the future, we shall resolve to be what we would seem, which is the only sure way not to be afraid to seem what we really are. Perhaps it is not necessary to add here, that by Simplicity is not at all meant the Pretences to it, which are made now a-days, by many good People, who I believe very honestly mistake the Thing, and while they aim at Simplicity are guilty of very gross Affectation. The Plainness and Integrity of Mind, which is here recommended, is very little concerned in any Quaintness of Habit, or Oddness of Behaviour: Nor is it at all of Importance to Vertue and Simplicity, that great care is taken to appear unfashionable. Again, on the other side, I know very well that the Word _Cunning_ did in the ancient Sense of it imply Knowledge. The Word Ken may perhaps be akin to it; it is of Saxon Original, and we are told the Word King is derived from it. I have no Quarrel to this Construction of it; but only against (what it now comes to signify) the little Subtilty of base Minds, who are incapable of great and honest Actions; in which Sense the Word is now commonly used. After all, I am sensible this crooked Wisdom has established itself by the Force of an unhappy Fashion, too firmly to be immediately exploded; and though I could wish my Reader would be ashamed to live in the World by such a wretched Method, yet I would warn him to be well aware of those that do; and to be sure to arm against them, not with the same Weapons, but those which are of much better Proof, the Integrity of a wise Man, and the Wisdom of an honest one. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 13, 1732 _"To melt the Pewter Button"_ From New-York, we hear, that on Saturday se'nnight, in the Afternoon, they had there most terrible Thunder and Lightning, but no great Damage done. The same Day we had some very hard Claps in these Parts; and 'tis said, that in Bucks County, one Flash came so near a Lad, as, without hurting him, to melt the Pewter Button off the Wasteband of his Breeches. 'Tis well nothing else thereabouts, was made of Pewter. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 19, 1732 _Anthony Afterwit_ Mr. _Gazetteer_, I am an honest Tradesman, who never meant Harm to any Body. My Affairs went on smoothly while a Batchelor; but of late I have met with some Difficulties, of which I take the Freedom to give you an Account. About the Time I first address'd my present Spouse, her Father gave out in Speeches, that if she married a Man he liked, he would give with her 200 _l_. on the Day of Marriage. 'Tis true he never said so to me, but he always receiv'd me very kindly at his House, and openly countenanc'd my Courtship. I form'd several fine Schemes, what to do with this same 200 _l_. and in some Measure neglected my Business on that Account: But unluckily it came to pass, that when the old Gentleman saw I was pretty well engag'd, and that the Match was too far gone to be easily broke off; he, without any Reason given, grew very angry, forbid me the House, and told his Daughter that if she married me he would not give her a Farthing. However (as he foresaw) we were not to be disappointed in that Manner; but having stole a Wedding, I took her home to my House; where we were not in quite so poor a Condition as the Couple describ'd in the Scotch Song, who had _Neither Pot nor Pan, But four bare Legs together;_ for I had a House tolerably furnished, for an ordinary Man, before. No thanks to Dad, who I understand was very much pleased with his politick Management. And I have since learn'd that there are old Curmudgeons (_so called_) besides him, who have this Trick, to marry their Daughters, and yet keep what they might well spare, till they can keep it no longer: But this by way of Digression; _A Word to the Wise is enough_. I soon saw that with Care and Industry we might live tolerably easy, and in Credit with our Neighbours: But my Wife had a strong Inclination to be a _Gentlewoman_. In Consequence of this, my old-fashioned Looking-Glass was one Day broke, as she said, _No Mortal could tell which way_. However, since we could not be without a Glass in the Room, _My Dear_, says she, _we may as well buy a large fashionable One that Mr_. Such-a-one _has to sell; it will cost but little more than a common Glass, and will be much handsomer and more creditable_. Accordingly the Glass was bought, and hung against the Wall: But in a Week's time, I was made sensible by little and little, _that the Table was by no Means sutable to such a Glass_. And a more proper Table being procur'd, my Spouse, who was an excellent Contriver, inform'd me where we might have very handsome Chairs _in the Way_; And thus, by Degrees, I found all my old Furniture stow'd up into the Garret, and every thing below alter'd for the better. Had we stopp'd here, we might have done well enough; but my Wife being entertain'd with _Tea_ by the Good Women she visited, we could do no less than the like when they visited us; and so we got a _Tea-Table_ with all its Appurtenances of _China_ and _Silver_. Then my Spouse unfortunately overwork'd herself in washing the House, so that we could do no longer without a _Maid_. Besides this, it happened frequently, that when I came home at _One_, the Dinner was but just put in the Pot; for, _My Dear thought really it had been but Eleven:_ At other Times when I came at the same Hour, _She wondered I would stay so long, for Dinner was ready and had waited for me these two Hours._ These Irregularities, occasioned by mistaking the Time, convinced me, that it was absolutely necessary _to buy a Clock_; which my Spouse observ'd, _was a great Ornament to the Room!_ And lastly, to my Grief, she was frequently troubled with some Ailment or other, and nothing did her so much Good as _Riding_; And _these Hackney Horses were such wretched ugly Creatures, that_ -- I bought a very fine pacing Mare, which cost 20 _l_. And hereabouts Affairs have stood for some Months past. I could see all along, that this Way of Living was utterly inconsistent with my Circumstances, but had not Resolution enough to help it. Till lately, receiving a very severe Dun, which mention'd the next Court, I began in earnest to project Relief. Last Monday my Dear went over the River, to see a Relation, and stay a Fortnight, because _she could not bear the Heat of the Town._ In the Interim, I have taken my Turn to make Alterations, _viz_. I have turn'd away the Maid, Bag and Baggage (for what should we do with a Maid, who have (except my Boy) none but our selves.) I have sold the fine Pacing Mare, and bought a good Milch Cow, with 3 _l_. of the Money. I have dispos'd of the Tea-Table, and put a Spinning Wheel in its Place, which methinks _looks very pretty_: Nine empty Canisters I have stuff'd with Flax; and with some of the Money of the Tea-Furniture, I have bought a Set of Knitting-Needles; for to tell you a Truth, which I would have go no farther, _I begin to want Stockings_. The stately Clock I have transform'd into an Hour-Glass, by which I gain'd a good round Sum; and one of the Pieces of the old Looking-Glass, squar'd and fram'd, supplies the Place of the Great One, which I have convey'd into a Closet, where it may possibly remain some years. In short, the Face of Things is quite changed; and I am mightily pleased when I look at my Hour-Glass, _what an Ornament it is to the Room_. I have paid my Debts, and find Money in my Pocket. I expect my Dame home next Friday, and as your Paper is taken in at the House where she is, I hope the Reading of this will prepare her Mind for the above surprizing Revolutions. If she can conform to this new Scheme of Living, we shall be the happiest Couple perhaps in the Province, and, by the Blessing of God, may soon be in thriving Circumstances. I have reserv'd the great Glass, because I know her Heart is set upon it. I will allow her when she comes in, to be taken suddenly ill with the _Headach_, the _Stomach-ach_, _Fainting-Fits_, or whatever other Disorder she may think more proper; and she may retire to Bed as soon as she pleases: But if I do not find her in perfect Health both of Body and Mind the next Morning, away goes the aforesaid Great Glass, with several other Trinkets I have no Occasion for, to the Vendue that very Day. Which is the irrevocable Resolution of, Sir, Her loving Husband, _and_ Your very humble Servant, _ANTHONY AFTERWIT_. _Postscript,_ You know we can return to our former Way of Living, when we please, if _Dad_ will be at the Expence of it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 10, 1732 _Celia Single_ _My Correspondent Mrs._ Celia, _must excuse my omitting those Circumstances of her Letter, which point at People_ too plainly; _and content herself that I insert the rest as follows._ Mr. _Gazetteer_, I must needs tell you, that some of the Things you print do more Harm than Good; particularly I think so of my Neighbour the Tradesman's Letter in one of your late Papers, which has broken the Peace of several Families, by causing Difference between Men and their Wives: I shall give you here one Instance, of which I was an Eye and Ear Witness. Happening last _Wednesday_ Morning to be in at Mrs. _C ------ ss_'s, when her Husband return'd from Market, among other Things which he had bought, he show'd her some Balls of Thread. _My Dear,_ says he, _I like mightily those Stockings which I yesterday saw Neighbour_ Afterwit _knitting for her Husband, of Thread of her own Spinning: I should be glad to have some such Stockins my self: I understand that your Maid_ Mary _is a very good Knitter, and seeing this Thread in Market, I have bought it, that the Girl may make a Pair or two for me._ Mrs. _Careless_ was just then at the Glass, dressing her Head; and turning about with the Pins in her Mouth, _Lord, Child_, says she, _are you crazy? What Time has_ Mary _to knit? Who must do the Work, I wonder, if you set her to Knitting?_ Perhaps, my Dear, _says he_, you have a mind to knit 'em yourself; I remember, when I courted you, I once heard you say you had learn'd to knit of your Mother. _I knit Stockins for you,_ says she, _not I truly; There are poor Women enough in Town, that can knit; if you please you may employ them._ Well, but my Dear, _says he_, you know a penny sav'd is a penny got, a pin a day is a groat a year, every little makes a mickle, and there is neither Sin nor Shame in Knitting a pair of Stockins; why should you express such a mighty Aversion to it? As to _poor_ Women, you know we are not People of Quality, we have no Income to maintain us, but what arises from my Labour and Industry; methinks you should not be at all displeas'd, if you have an Opportunity to get something as well as my self. _I wonder,_ says she, _how you can propose such a thing to me; did not you always tell me you would maintain me like a Gentlewoman? If I had married_ Capt. ------ , _he would have scorn'd even to mention Knitting of Stockins._ Prithee, _says he_, _(a little nettled)_ what do you tell me of your Captains? If you could have had him, I suppose you would; or perhaps you did not very well like him: If I did promise to maintain you like a Gentlewoman, I suppose 'tis time enough for that when you know how to behave like one; mean while 'tis your Duty to help make me able. How long d'ye think I can maintain you at your present Rate of Living? _Pray_, says she, (somewhat fiercely, and dashing the Puff into the Powder-Box) _don't use me after this Manner, for I assure you I won't bear it. This is the Fruit of your poison_ News-papers; _there shall come no more here, I promise you._ Bless us, _says he_, what an unaccountable thing is this! Must a Tradesman's Daughter, and the Wife of a Tradesman, necessarily and instantly be a Gentlewoman? You had no Portion; I am forc'd to work for a Living; if you are too great to do the like, there's the Door, go and live upon your Estate, if you can find it; in short, I don't desire to be troubled w'ye. -- What Answer she made, I cannot tell; for knowing that a Man and his Wife are apt to quarrel more violently when before Strangers, than when by themselves, I got up and went out hastily: But I understood from _Mary_, who came to me of an Errand in the Evening, that they dined together pretty peaceably, (the Balls of Thread that had caused the Difference, being thrown into the Kitchen Fire) of which I was very glad to hear. I have several times in your Paper seen severe Reflections upon us Women, for Idleness and Extravagance, but I do not remember to have once seen any such Animadversions upon the Men. If I were dispos'd to be censorious, I could furnish you with Instances enough: I might mention Mr. _Billiard_, who spends more than he earns, at the Green Table; and would have been in Jail long since, were it not for his industrious Wife: Mr. _Husselcap_, who often all day long leaves his Business for the rattling of Halfpence in a certain Alley: Mr. _Finikin_, who has seven different Suits of fine Cloaths, and wears a Change every Day, while his Wife and Children sit at home half naked: Mr. _Crownhim_, who is always dreaming over the Chequer-board, and cares not how the World goes, so he gets the Game: Mr. _T'otherpot_ the Tavern-haunter; Mr. _Bookish_, the everlasting Reader; Mr. _Tweedledum_, Mr. _Toot-a-toot_, and several others, who are mighty diligent at any thing beside their Business. I say, if I were dispos'd to be censorious, I might mention all these, and more; but I hate to be thought a Scandalizer of my Neighbours, and therefore forbear. And for your part, I would advise you, for the future, to entertain your Readers with something else besides People's Reflections upon one another; for remember, that there are Holes enough to be pick'd in your Coat as well as others; and those that are affronted by the Satyrs you may publish, will not consider so much who _wrote_, as who _printed_: Take not this Freedom amiss, from _Your Friend and Reader_, CELIA SINGLE. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 24, 1732 _Praise for William Penn_ _Philadelphia, August_ 12. Yesterday Afternoon, our Governor having received by Express the agreeable News of the Arrival of the Honourable _THOMAS PENN_, Esq; our Proprietary, at _Chester_, immediately dispatch'd his Secretary thither with his Compliments of Congratulation; and next Morning, attended by the Council, and many other Gentlemen, His Honour our Governor set out for _Chester_, where great Numbers of People from the neighbouring Parts of the Country were flocking together. After Dinner, our Honourable Proprietor, with his Company which was now grown very numerous, set out for _Philadelphia_, and passing the Ferry at _Skuylkill_, was met by the Mayor, Recorder and Aldermen of this City, in whose Name _Andrew Hamilton_, Esq; the Recorder, made the following congratulatory Speech. May it please our Honourable Proprietor, _The Mayor and Commonalty of the city of_ Philadelphia, _do most joyfully congratulate You, on your safe Arrival into your Province of_ Pennsylvania. _You are now entring into the Liberties of the City of_ Philadelphia, _the Capital of your Province, where You have been long and impatiently expected: Be pleased, Sir, to accept from this Corporation, the Acknowledgements due to a Son of its Honourable Founder._ _That generous Charter which he gave this City, those wise and just Laws which he gave to the People of_ Pennsylvania, _and above all his religious Care in securing to all its Inhabitants that natural Right_ Liberty of Conscience, _and Freedom from_ Spiritual Tyranny, _will ever continue a Testimony of his great Wisdom and Goodness, in framing a Constitution every way fitted to make a happy People, and be a lasting Monument of his Benevolence to Mankind._ _But he is gone!_ -- _and to whom can we so properly own these Obligations, as to the Descendants of that good Man, under whom, next to our gracious Sovereign, the Inhabitants of_ Philadelphia _derive and enjoy so many valuable Privileges._ _We are indeed strongly prejudiced in favour of a_ Son _of the great Mr. PENN; We know you have the same Powers of Government, and if You shall imitate his excellent Example, in using them for the Good of the People, as that made his Memory dear to all who lived under his Influence, so this will give you a peculiar Claim to Our Duty and Affections, and lay the Citizens of_ Philadelphia _under the strongest Obligations of doing you the most acceptable Services in their Power._ To which our Honourable Proprietor gave the following Answer. "I am oblig'd to the City of _Philadelphia_, for this Mark of their Affection to me, and Regard for the Memory of my Father; and shall be pleased with every Opportunity of doing your Corporation any agreeable Service." The _Proprietor_ then proceeding forwards, was welcomed to this City with the Discharge of many Guns from the Ships in our River, and the joyful Acclamations of a Multitude of People, who lined all the Streets through which the Cavalcade (consisting of between Seven and Eight Hundred Horse) passed; and alighting at our Governour's House, was saluted with the Discharge of a large Battery of Cannon on _Society_ _Hill._ The universal Joy and Satisfaction which appeared on this Occasion, seems a just Tribute to a worthy Son of the Great and Good Mr. _PENN_, whose Memory must ever remain dear to all those who set a just Value on the ample Privileges and Liberties granted by him, and at this Time fully enjoyed by all the Inhabitants of this flourishing Colony. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 14, 1732 _On Censure or Backbiting_ _Impia sub dulci melle venena latent_. Ovid. _Naturam expellas furca licet, usq; recurret_. Hor. There is scarce any one Thing so generally spoke against, and at the same time so universally practis'd, as _Censure_ or _Backbiting_. All Divines have condemn'd it, all Religions have forbid it, all Writers of Morality have endeavour'd to discountenance it, and all Men hate it at all Times, except only when they have Occasion to make use of it. For my part, after having frankly declar'd it as my Opinion, that the general Condemnation it meets with, proceeds only from a Consciousness in most People that they have highly incurr'd and deserv'd it, I shall in a very fearless impudent Manner take upon me to oppose the universal Vogue of Mankind in all Ages, and say as much in Behalf and Vindication of this decry'd Virtue, as the usual Vacancy in your Paper will admit. I have call'd it a Virtue, and shall take the same Method to prove it such, as we commonly use to demonstrate any other Action or Habit to be a Virtue, that is, by shewing its Usefulness, and the great Good it does to Society. What can be said to the contrary, has already been said by every body; and indeed it is so little to the purpose, that any body may easily say it: But the Path I mean to tread, has hitherto been trod by no body; if therefore I should meet with the Difficulties usual in tracing new Roads, and be in some Places a little at loss, the Candour of the Reader will the more readily excuse me. The first Advantage I shall mention, arising from the free Practice of _Censure_ or _Backbiting_, is, that it is frequently the Means of preventing powerful, politick, ill-designing Men, from growing too popular for the Safety of a State. Such Men are always setting their best Actions to view, in order to obtain Confidence and Trust, and establish a Party: They endeavour to shine with false or borrow'd Merit, and carefully conceal their real Demerit: (that they fear to be evil spoken of is evident from their striving to cover every Ill with a specious Pretence;) But all-examining CENSURE, with her hundred Eyes and her thousand Tongues, soon discovers and as speedily divulges in all Quarters, every the least Crime or Foible that is a part of their true Character. This clips the Wings of their Ambition, weakens their Cause and Party, and reduces them to the necessity of dropping their pernicious Designs, springing from a violent Thirst of Honour and Power; or, if that Thirst is unquenchable, they are oblig'd to enter into a Course of true Virtue, without which real Grandeur is not to be attained. Again, the common Practice of _Censure_ is a mighty Restraint upon the Actions of every private Man; it greatly assists our otherwise weak Resolutions of living virtuously. _What will the World say of me, if I act thus?_ is often a Reflection strong enough to enable us to resist the most powerful Temptation to Vice or Folly. This preserves the Integrity of the Wavering, the Honesty of the Covetous, the Sanctity of some of the Religious, and the Chastity of all Virgins. And, indeed, when People once become regardless of _Censure_, they are arrived to a Pitch of Impudence little inferior to the Contempt of all Laws humane and divine. The common Practice of _Censure_ is also exceedingly serviceable, in helping a Man to _the Knowledge of himself_; a piece of Knowledge highly necessary for all, but acquired by very few, because very few sufficiently regard and value the Censure past by others on their Actions. There is hardly such a Thing as a Friend, sincere or rash enough to acquaint us freely with our Faults; nor will any but an Enemy tell us of what we have done amiss, _to our Faces_; and Enemies meet with little Credit in such Cases, for we believe they speak from Malice and Ill-will: Thus we might always live in the blindest Ignorance of our own Folly, and, while every body reproach'd us in their Hearts, might think our Conduct irreproachable: But Thanks be to Providence, (that has given every Man a natural Inclination to backbite his Neighbour) we now hear of many Things said _of_ us, that we shall never hear said _to_ us; (for out of Goodwill to us, or Illwill to those that have spoken ill of us, every one is willing enough to tell us how we are censur'd by others,) and we have the Advantage of mending our Manners accordingly. Another vast Benefit arising from the common Practice of _Backbiting_, is, that it helps exceedingly to a thorough _Knowledge of Mankind_, a Science the most useful of all Sciences. Could we come to know no Man of whom we had not a particular Experience, our Sphere of Knowledge of this Sort would certainly be narrow and confined, and yet at the same Time must probably have cost us very dear. For the crafty tricking Villain would have a vast Advantage over the honest undesigning Part of Men, when he might cheat and abuse almost every one he dealt with, if none would take the Liberty to characterize him among their Acquaintance behind his Back. Without saying any more in its Behalf, I am able to challenge all the Orators or Writers in the World, to show (with solid Reason) that the few trifling Inconveniencies attending it, bear any Proportion to these vast Benefits! And I will venture to assert to their Noses, that nothing would be more absurd or pernicious than a Law against Backbiting, if such a Law could possibly take Effect; since it would undoubtedly be the greatest Encouragement to Vice that ever Vice met with, and do more towards the encreasing it, than would the Abolishing of all other Laws whatsoever. I might likewise have mentioned the Usefulness of _Censure_ in Society, as it is a certain and an equal Punishment for such Follies and Vices as the common Laws either do not sufficiently punish, or have provided no Punishment for. I might have observed, that were it not for this, we should find the Number of some Sorts of Criminals increased to a Degree sufficient not only to infest, but even to overthrow all good and civil Conversation: But it is endless to enumerate every particular Advantage arising from this glorious Virtue! A Virtue, which whoever exerts, must have the largest Share of Publick Spirit and Self-denial, the highest Benevolence and Regard to the Good of others; since in This he entirely sacrifices his own Interest, making not only the Persons he accuses, but all that hear him, his Enemies; for all that deserve Censure (which are by far the greatest Number) hate the Censorious; _That dangerous Weapon, Wit, Frightens a Million when a few you hit: Whip but a Cur as you ride thro' a Town, And strait his Fellow Curs the Quarrel own: Each Knave or Fool that's conscious of a Crime, Tho' he scapes now, looks for't another time._ A Virtue! decry'd by all that fear it, but a strong Presumption of the Innocence of them that practise it; for they cannot be encouraged to offend, from the least Prospect of Favour or Impunity; their Faults or Failings will certainly meet with no Quarter from others. And whoever practises the Contrary, always endeavouring to excuse and palliate the Crimes of others, may rationally be suspected to have some secret darling Vice, which he hopes will be excused him in return. A Virtue! which however ill People may load it with the opprobrious Names of _Calumny_, _Scandal_, and _Detraction_, and I know not what; will still remain a Virtue, a bright, shining, solid Virtue, of more real Use to Mankind than all the other Virtues put together; and indeed, is the Mother or the Protectress of them all, as well as the Enemy, the Destructress of all kinds of Vice. A Virtue, innately, necessarily, and essentially so; for ------ But, dear Reader, large Folio Volumes closely written, would scarce be sufficient to contain all the Praises due to it. I shall offer you at present only one more convincing Argument in its Behalf, _viz_. that you would not have had the Satisfaction of seeing this Discourse so agreeably short as I shall make it, were it not for the just Fear I have of incurring your _Censure_, should I continue to be troublesome by extending it to a greater Length. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 7, 1732 _Alice Addertongue_ _Mr. Gazetteer,_ I was highly pleased with your last Week's Paper upon SCANDAL, as the uncommon Doctrine therein preach'd is agreeable both to my Principles and Practice, and as it was published very seasonably to reprove the Impertinence of a Writer in the foregoing Thursdays _Mercury_, who at the Conclusion of one of his silly Paragraphs, laments, forsooth, that the _Fair Sex_ are so peculiarly guilty of this enormous Crime: Every Blockhead ancient and modern, that could handle a Pen, has I think taken upon him to cant in the same senseless Strain. If to _scandalize_ be really a _Crime_, what do these Puppies mean? They describe it, they dress it up in the most odious frightful and detestable Colours, they represent it as the worst of Crimes, and then roundly and charitably charge the whole Race of Womankind with it. Are they not then guilty of what they condemn, at the same time that they condemn it? If they accuse us of any other Crime, they must necessarily _scandalize_ while they do it: But to _scandalize_ us with being guilty of _Scandal_, is in itself an egregious Absurdity, and can proceed from nothing but the most consummate Impudence in Conjunction with the most profound Stupidity. This, supposing, as they do, that to scandalize is a Crime; which you have convinc'd all reasonable People, is an Opinion absolutely erroneous. Let us leave then these Ideot Mock-Moralists, while I entertain you with some Account of my Life and Manners. I am a young Girl of about thirty-five, and live at present with my Mother. I have no Care upon my Head of getting a Living, and therefore find it my Duty as well as Inclination, to exercise my Talent at _CENSURE_, for the Good of my Country folks. There was, I am told, a certain generous Emperor, who if a Day had passed over his Head, in which he had conferred no Benefit on any Man, used to say to his Friends, in Latin, _Diem perdidi_, that is, it seems, _I have lost a Day_. I believe I should make use of the same Expression, if it were possible for a Day to pass in which I had not, or miss'd, an Opportunity to scandalize somebody: But, Thanks be praised, no such Misfortune has befel me these dozen Years. Yet, whatever Good I may do, I cannot pretend that I first entred into the Practice of this Virtue from a Principle of Publick Spirit; for I remember that when a Child, I had a violent Inclination to be ever talking in my own Praise, and being continually told that it was ill Manners, and once severely whipt for it, the confin'd Stream form'd itself a new Channel, and I began to speak for the future in the Dispraise of others. This I found more agreable to Company, and almost as much so to my self: For what great Difference can there be, between putting your self up, or putting your Neighbour down? _Scandal_, like other Virtues, is in part its own Reward, as it gives us the Satisfaction of making our selves appear better than others, or others no better than ourselves. My Mother, good Woman, and I, have heretofore differ'd upon this Account. She argu'd that Scandal spoilt all good Conversation, and I insisted that without it there could be no such Thing. Our Disputes once rose so high, that we parted Tea-Table, and I concluded to entertain my Acquaintance in the Kitchin. The first Day of this Separation we both drank Tea at the same Time, but she with her Visitors in the Parlor. She would not hear of the least Objection to any one's Character, but began a new sort of Discourse in some such queer philosophical Manner as this; _I am mightily pleas'd sometimes,_ says she, _when I observe and consider that the World is not so bad as People out of humour imagine it to be. There is something amiable, some good Quality or other in every body. If we were only to speak of People that are least respected, there is_ such a one _is very dutiful to her Father, and methinks has a fine Set of Teeth;_ such a one _is very respectful to her Husband;_ such a one _is very kind to her poor Neighbours, and besides has a very handsome Shape;_ such a one _is always ready to serve a Friend, and in my Opinion there is not a Woman in Town that has a more agreeable Air and Gait._ This fine kind of Talk, which lasted near half an Hour, she concluded by saying, _I do not doubt but every one of you have made the like Observations, and I should be glad to have the Conversation continu'd upon this Subject._ Just at that Juncture I peep'd in at the Door, and never in my Life before saw such a Set of simple vacant Countenances; they looked somehow neither glad, nor sorry, nor angry, nor pleas'd, nor indifferent, nor attentive; but, (excuse the Simile) like so many blue wooden Images of Rie Doe. I in the Kitchin had already begun a ridiculous Story of Mr. ------ 's Intrigue with his Maid, and his Wife's Behaviour upon the Discovery; at some Passages we laugh'd heartily, and one of the gravest of Mama's Company, without making any Answer to her Discourse, got up _to go and see what the Girls were so merry about:_ She was follow'd by a Second, and shortly after by a Third, till at last the old Gentlewoman found herself quite alone, and being convinc'd that her Project was impracticable, came her self and finish'd her Tea with us; ever since which _Saul also has been among the Prophets_, and our Disputes lie dormant. By Industry and Application, I have made my self the Center of all the _Scandal_ in the Province, there is little stirring but I hear of it. I began the World with this Maxim, _That no Trade can subsist without Returns_; and accordingly, whenever I receiv'd a good Story, I endeavour'd to give two or a better in the Room of it. My Punctuality in this Way of Dealing gave such Encouragement, that it has procur'd me an incredible deal of Business, which without Diligence and good Method it would be impossible for me to go through. For besides the Stock of Defamation thus naturally flowing in upon me, I practice an Art by which I can pump Scandal out of People that are the least enclin'd that way. Shall I discover my Secret? Yes; to let it die with me would be inhuman. -- If I have never heard Ill of some Person, I always impute it to defective Intelligence; _for there are none without their Faults, no not one._ If she is a Woman, I take the first Opportunity to let all her Acquaintance know I have heard that one of the handsomest or best Men in Town has said something in Praise either of her Beauty, her Wit, her Virtue, or her good Management. If you know any thing of Humane Nature, you perceive that this naturally introduces a Conversation turning upon all her Failings, past, present, and to come. To the same purpose, and with the same Success, I cause every Man of Reputation to be praised before his Competitors in Love, Business, or Esteem on Account of any particular Qualification. Near the Times of _Election_, if I find it necessary, I commend every Candidate before some of the opposite Party, listning attentively to what is said of him in answer: (But Commendations in this latter Case are not always necessary, and should be used judiciously;) of late Years I needed only observe what they said of one another freely; and having for the Help of Memory taken Account of all Information & Accusations received, whoever peruses my Writings after my Death, may happen to think, that during a certain Term, the People of _Pennsylvania_ chose into all their Offices of Honour and Trust, the veriest Knaves, Fools and Rascals in the whole Province. The Time of Election used to be a busy Time with me, but this Year, with Concern I speak it, People are grown so good natur'd, so intent upon mutual Feasting and friendly Entertainment, that I see no Prospect of much Employment from that Quarter. I mention'd above, that without good Method I could not go thro' my Business: In my Father's Life-time I had some Instruction in Accompts, which I now apply with Advantage to my own Affairs. I keep a regular Set of Books, and can tell at an Hour's Warning how it stands between me and the World. In my _Daybook_ I enter every Article of Defamation as it is transacted; for Scandals _receiv'd in_, I give Credit; and when I pay them out again, I make the Persons to whom they respectively relate _Debtor_. In my _Journal_, I add to each Story by Way of Improvement, such probable Circumstances as I think it will bear, and in my _Ledger_ the whole is regularly posted. I suppose the Reader already condemns me in his Heart, for this particular of _adding Circumstances_; but I justify that part of my Practice thus. 'Tis a Principle with me, that none ought to have a greater Share of Reputation than they really deserve; if they have, 'tis an Imposition upon the Publick: I know it is every one's Interest, and therefore believe they endeavour, to conceal _all_ their Vices and Follies; and I hold, that those People are _extraordinary_ foolish or careless who suffer a _Fourth_ of their Failings to come to publick Knowledge: Taking then the common Prudence and Imprudence of Mankind in a Lump, I suppose none suffer above _one Fifth_ to be discovered: Therefore when I hear of any Person's Misdoing, I think I keep within Bounds if in relating it I only make it _three times_ worse than it is; and I reserve to my self the Privilege of charging them with one Fault in four, which, for aught I know, they may be entirely innocent of. You see there are but few so careful of doing Justice as my self; what Reason then have Mankind to complain of _Scandal_? In a general way, the worst that is said of us is only half what _might_ be said, if all our Faults were seen. But alas, two great Evils have lately befaln me at the same time; an extream Cold that I can scarce speak, and a most terrible Toothach that I dare hardly open my Mouth: For some Days past I have receiv'd ten Stories for one I have paid; and I am not able to ballance my Accounts without your Assistance. I have long thought that if you would make your Paper a Vehicle of Scandal, you would double the Number of your Subscribers. I send you herewith Account of 4 _Knavish Tricks_, 2 _crackt M--n--ds_, 5 _Cu--ld--ms_, 3 _drub'd Wives_, and 4 _Henpeck'd Husbands_, all within this Fortnight; which you may, as Articles of News, deliver to the Publick; and if my Toothach continues, shall send you more; being, in the mean time, _Your constant Reader,_ ALICE ADDERTONGUE. _I thank my Correspondent Mrs._ Addetiongue _for her Good-Will; but desire to be excus'd inserting the Articles of News she has sent me; such Things being in Reality_ no News at all. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 12, 1732 _Men are Naturally Benevolent as Well as Selfish_ _To the Printer of the_ GAZETTE. _SIR,_ It is the Opinion of some People, that Man is a Creature altogether selfish, and that all our Actions have at Bottom a View to private Interest; If we do good to others, it is, say they, because there is a certain Pleasure attending virtuous Actions. But how Pleasure comes to attend a virtuous Action, these Philosophers are puzzled to shew, without contradicting their first Principles, and acknowledging that Men are _naturally_ benevolent as well as selfish. For whence can arise the Pleasure you feel after having done a good-natured Thing, if not hence, that you had _before_ strong humane and kind Inclinations in your Nature, which are by such Actions in some Measure gratified? I am told that a late ingenious Author, enquiring why we approve and disapprove of Actions done many Ages since, which can no way be suppos'd to affect our present Interest, conceives that we have a certain internal _Moral Sense_, which tastes the Beauty of a rational benevolent Action, and the Deformity of an ill-natured cruel one; and that our consequent Judgment is as involuntary as when the Tongue is apply'd to Aloes, and we can by no Act of the Will prevail with the Mind to acknowledge it tastes like Honey. However this be, the Fact is certain, that we do approve and disapprove of Actions which cannot in the least influence our present Affairs. How could this happen, if we did not in contemplating such Actions, find something agreeable or disagreeable to our natural Inclinations as Men, that is, to our benevolent Inclinations? Let this serve as an Introduction to a short Story, which I have translated from the French, for the Pleasure of your Readers, who will therein find wherewith to exercise their _moral Sense_ of Tasting, if such a Sense they have. The Writer delivers it as a known Affair, transacted but a few Years since. It is as follows. `A certain French Merchant, remarkable for his Honesty and Uprightness, which had procured him the Confidence of the greatest Traders in _Europe_, having suffered very considerable Losses at Sea, followed by the Bankrupcy of several who were deeply in his Debt, fell at length into so great Necessity, that he resolved to visit _Paris_ in quest of Succours. He addressed himself to all his old Correspondents, acquainted them with his Misfortunes, and prayed them to help him in beginning the World again; assuring those to whom he owed any thing, that he had no greater Desire than to pay them, and that he should die contented if he might be so happy as to accomplish it. All equally affected with his Condition, promised to assist him. `One only inexorable, to whom he owed 1000 Crowns, took him precisely in these Circumstances, and threw him into Prison, absolutely resolved there to let him rot, rather than risque longer what was his due. `The Son of this Merchant, aged about two and twenty Years, informed of the sorrowful Situation of his Father, arrives at _Paris_, goes and throws himself at the Feet of the pitiless Creditor, and there dissolving in Tears, intreats him by every Thing that is most touching, to restore him his Father; protesting solemnly, that if he would not thus make himself an Obstacle to their Hopes of being re-establish'd in their Affairs, he should certainly be the first payed. `But if this fail'd to move, he conjures him to have Pity of his Youth, and to be sensible to the Unhappiness of a Mother, charg'd with seven or eight young Children, who are reduc'd to Beggary, and perish: And in fine, if nothing was capable to touch him, at least that he would permit him to put himself in his Father's Place, who by his greater Skill in Business would probably sooner come to give him entire Satisfaction. In uttering these last Words, he so tenderly press'd his Knees in hope the Request would be granted, that this Man, so hard and inflexible, struck with the Sight of so much Virtue at his Feet, raised the young Man and embrac'd him in his Turn, with Eyes all bathed in Tears: Ah! my Son, said he, your Father shall come out. So much Love, and so much Respect for him, makes me even die with Shame. I have resisted too long; let me efface forever the Remembrance of it. I have one only Daughter, and she is worthy of you. She would do as much for me as you for your Father. I give her to you with all my Wealth, accept her; and let us run to your Father, and demand his Consent. `This tender Scene finished through all that the purest Generosity might inspire on such Occasions, they ran to renew it at the Dungeon of the poor Prisoner. But what was his Joy and his Surprize! He saw his Son, of whose Arrival at _Paris_ he had not known; and in the same Moment he saw him at the Top of Fortune and Happiness. The Day of Marriage was fixed, all the Creditors were payed by the Father-in-law, and the Merchant even in these so delicate Circumstances, found himself free enough to take their Receipts. In fine, they live all together, and their Union is cemented on both sides with so much cordial hearty Love, that their Happiness is perfect.' A Friend of mine, to whom I show'd this Story in the Original, altho' his Circumstances are very near as unfortunate as those of the Merchant before the happy Change, yet could say upon reading it, That he knew not whose Happiness was most to be envy'd, his whose Affairs were so happily retriev'd, or his who had the Opportunity of giving so much Pleasure to others. I believe my benevolent Friend spoke his real Sentiments. I see Virtue in all those who were concern'd in the Story, yet I know not whether their Virtue is more worthy of Admiration than his. _I am Your Friend and Reader,_ Y. Z. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 30, 1732 _Death of a Drunk_ Last Monday Morning a Woman who had been long given to excessive Drinking, was found dead in a Room by her self, upon the Floor. She could not be persuaded to go to Bed the Night before, but would sit up alone, as was her frequent Custom. The Coroners Inquest ascribe her Death to the too great Quantity of Liquor she took at one Time. Her former Husband had many Times put several Sorts of odious Physick into her Drink, in order to give her an Aversion to it, but in vain; for who ever heard of a Sot reclaim'd? If there are any such they are Miracles. People cannot be too cautious of the first Steps that may lead them to be engaged in a Habit the most invincible and the most pernicious of all others. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 7, 1732 _Counterfeits_ Last Monday se'nnight in the Evening, three Men went into the Indian Prince Tavern, and having call'd for some Liquor, one of them offer'd a new Twenty Shilling Bill to be chang'd for the Reckoning; Mr. _R_. _Brockden_, Master of the House, suspecting it to be a Counterfeit, went with it immediately to _A_. _Hamilton_, Esq; (under Pretence of going out to get Change) who caused them presently to be apprehended. Upon Examination, two of them appeared innocent, and were discharged; the third, who offer'd to pass the Bill, being ask'd how he came by it, answer'd that he brought Hogs to Town to sell, and had taken it of a Woman unknown in the Market: Upon searching him, two more of the same sort were found in his Pocket-book, all which he said he had taken for Pork. From the Indian Prince he was carried over to another Tavern, where he had put up his Horse, in order to see if he had any Bags wherein more Bills might be found: While the Examination was continuing there, a Woman Stranger in the outer Room was observed to appear somewhat concern'd; upon which she was call'd in, and ask'd, if she knew that Man: she answer'd Yes, he was her Brother; being ask'd if she had any Money about her, the Man was seen to wink at her, and she answer'd, No; but attempting to slide her Hand into her Pocket, they prevented her, and brought the Woman of the House to search her, who found in her Pocket twenty-three 20 _s_. Bills of the same Sort. The Fellow finding the Story of the Hogs would not answer, nor any other Shuffles avail him any thing, betook himself at last to make an ingenuous Confession. He said that one _Grindal_ who arrived this Summer in Capt. Blair from _Ireland_, got 600 20 _s_. Bills printed there from a Pattern he carried home last Year; that when he came here, he admitted one _Watt_ into the Secret, and gave him a Number of the Bills to pass and exchange in _Pennsylvania_, while he went into the Jersies on the same Account, altering his Name to _Thomson_ lest a Wife he had married at New-Garden should hear of him; and that they were to meet next Christmas at _Philadelphia_, and divide the Profits: That _Watt_ had communicated the Thing to him, and given him Twenty-seven Bills to pass, of which he was to have a Share for himself; telling him, to persuade him to it, that it was no Sin, for it would make Money plentier among poor People. He said he had as yet pass'd but one, of which the Change 19 _s_. was found in his Pocket. He could not tell where _Grindal_ might be at this Time in the Jersies, but he inform'd that _Watt_ was at Eastown in Chester County. Officers were immediately dispatch'd in quest of him, who rid all Night, surpriz'd him in his Bed about Day-break, and guarded him to Town. After Examination he was committed to Prison, to keep company with his Friend the Pork-seller, who it seems has _brought his Hogs to a fine Market_. Tis hoped that by Christmas we shall see _Grindal_ here also, that he may (according to Agreement) _share the Profits with 'em_. The Bills they have attempted to counterfeit are of the last Impression; the Counterfeits might pass with many People who do not take much Notice, but they have imitated the Paper very ill, that of the new Bills being thick and stiff, and the Counterfeits soft and flimsy. What is most surprising is, that the Counterfeiters, with all their care and exactness, have entirely omitted numbering their Bills; at least none of those are number'd which are seiz'd. Was this Infatuation, or were they afraid they should not number them right? _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 19, 1732 Yesterday, being Market Day, Watt who was concern'd in the Counterfeit Money, as mentioned in one of our late Papers, receiv'd part of his Punishment, being whipt, pilloried and cropt. He behaved so as to touch the Compassion of the Mob, and they did not fling at him (as was expected) neither Snow-balls nor any Thing else. We hear that Grindal, the Importer of the Bills, and chief Person concern'd, was taken in the Jersies, but afterwards made his Escape. In his Pocket-Book was found the Account of Charge, so much to the Printer, so much for engraving the Plates, so much for Paper, &c. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 11, 1732/3 _Rules for a Club Formerly Established in Philadelphia_ Previous question, to be answer'd at every meeting. Have you read over these queries this morning, in order to consider what you might have to offer the Junto touching any one of them? viz. `1. Have you met with any thing in the author you last read, remarkable, or suitable to be communicated to the Junto? particularly in history, morality, poetry, physic, travels, mechanic arts, or other parts of knowledge. `2. What new story have you lately heard agreeable for telling in conversation? `3. Hath any citizen in your knowledge failed in his business lately, and what have you heard of the cause? `4. Have you lately heard of any citizen's thriving well, and by what means? `5. Have you lately heard how any present rich man, here or elsewhere, got his estate? `6. Do you know of any fellow citizen, who has lately done a worthy action, deserving praise and imitation? or who has committed an error proper for us to be warned against and avoid? `7. What happy effects of intemperance have you lately observed or heard? of imprudence? of passion? or of any other vice or folly? `8. What happy effects of temperance? of prudence? of moderation? or of any other virtue? `9. Have you or any of your acquaintance been lately sick or wounded? If so, what remedies were used, and what were their effects? `10. Who do you know that are shortly going voyages or journies, if one should have occasion to send by them? `11. Do you think of any thing at present, in which the Junto may be serviceable to _mankind_? to their country, to their friends, or to themselves? `12. Hath any deserving stranger arrived in town since last meeting, that you heard of? and what have you heard or observed of his character or merits? and whether think you, it lies in the power of the Junto to oblige him, or encourage him as he deserves? `13. Do you know of any deserving young beginner lately set up, whom it lies in the power of the Junto any way to encourage? `14. Have you lately observed any defect in the laws of your _country_, of which it would be proper to move the legislature for an amendment? Or do you know of any beneficial law that is wanting? `15. Have you lately observed any encroachment on the just liberties of the people? `16. Hath any body attacked your reputation lately? and what can the Junto do towards securing it? `17. Is there any man whose friendship you want, and which the Junto or any of them, can procure for you? `18. Have you lately heard any member's character attacked, and how have you defended it? `19. Hath any man injured you, from whom it is in the power of the Junto to procure redress? `20. In what manner can the Junto, or any of them, assist you in any of your honourable designs? `21. Have you any weighty affair in hand, in which you think the advice of the Junto may be of service? `22. What benefits have you lately received from any man not present? `23. Is there any difficulty in matters of opinion, of justice, and injustice, which you would gladly have discussed at this time? `24. Do you see any thing amiss in the present customs or proceedings of the Junto, which might be amended?' _______________________ Any person to be qualified, to stand up, and lay his hand on his breast, and be asked these questions; viz. `1. Have you any particular disrespect to any present members? -- _Answer._ I have not. `2. Do you sincerely declare that you love mankind in general; of what profession or religion soever? -- _Answ._ I do. `3. Do you think any person ought to be harmed in his body, name or goods, for mere speculative opinions, or his external way of worship? -- _Ans._ No. `4. Do you love truth for truth's sake, and will you endeavour impartially to find and receive it yourself and communicate it to others? -- _Answ._ Yes.' 1732 _Proposals and Queries to be Asked the Junto_ Proposals That P S and A N be immediately invited into the Junto. That all New Members be qualified by the 4 qualifications and all the old ones take it. That these Queries be copied at the beginning of a Book and be read distinctly each Meeting with a Pause between each while one might fill and drink a Glass of Wine. That if they cannot all be gone thro' in one Night we begin the next where we left off, only such as particularly regard the Junto to be read every Night. That it be not hereafter the Duty of any Member to bring Queries but left to his Discretion. That an old Declamation be without fail read every Night when there is no New One. That Mr. Brientnals Poem on the Junto be read once a Month, and hum'd in Consort, by as many as can hum it. That once a Month in Spring, Summer and Fall the Junto meet of a Sunday in the Afternoon in some proper Place cross the River for Bodily Exercise. That in the aforesaid Book be kept Minutes thus Fryday June 30. 1732. Present ABCDEF &c. 1. HP read this Maxim viz. or this Experiment viz or &c. 5. Lately arriv'd one ------ of such a Profession or such a Science &c. 7. XY grew rich by this Means &c. That these Minutes be read once a Year at the Anniversary. That all Fines due be immediately paid in, and that penal Laws for Queries and Declamations be abolish'd only he who is absent above ten Times in the Year, to pay 10_s._ towards the Anniversary Entertainment. That the Secretary for keeping the Minutes be allow'd one Shilling per Night, to be paid out of the Money already in his Hands. That after the Queries are begun reading, all Discourse foreign to them shall be deem'd impertinent. When any thing from Reading an Author is mention'd, if it excead___lines and the Junto require it; The Person shall bring the Passage, or an Abstract of it, in Writing, the next Night, if he has it not with him. When the Books of the Library come: Every Member shall undertake some Author, that he may not be without Observations to communicate. ____________________ Queries to be ask'd the Junto Whence comes the Dew that stands on the Outside of a Tankard that has cold Water in it in the Summer Time? Does the Importation of Servants increase or advance the Wealth of our Country? Would not an Office of Insurance for Servants be of Service, and what Methods are proper for the erecting such an Office? Qu. Whence does it proceed, that the Proselytes to any Sect or Persuasion generally appear more zealous than those who are bred up in it? Answ. I Suppose that People _bred_ in different Persuasions are nearly zealous alike. He that changes his Party is either sincere, or not sincere; that is he either does it for the sake of the Opinions merely, or with a View of Interest. If he is sincere and has no View of Interest; and considers before he declares himself, how much Ill will he shall have from those he leaves, and that those he is about to go among will be apt to suspect his Sincerity: if he is not really zealous he will not declare; and therefore must be zealous if he does declare. If he is not sincere, He is oblig'd at least to put on an Appearance of great Zeal, to convince the better, his New Friends that he is heartily in earnest, for his old ones he knows dislike him. And as few Acts of Zeal will be more taken Notice of than such as are done against the Party he has left, he is inclin'd to injure or malign them, because he knows they contemn and despise him. Hence one Renegade is (as the Proverb says) worse than 10 Turks. ______________________ Qu. Can a Man arrive at Perfection in this Life as some Believe; or is it impossible as others believe? A. Perhaps they differ in the meaning of the Word Perfection. I suppose the Perfection of any Thing to be only the greatest the Nature of that Thing is capable of; different Things have different Degrees of Perfection; and the same thing at different Times. Thus an Horse is more perfect than an Oyster yet the Oyster may be a perfect Oyster as well as the Horse a perfect Horse. And an Egg is not so perfect as a Chicken, nor a Chicken as a Hen; for the Hen has more Strength than the Chicken, and the Chicken more Life than the Egg: Yet it may be a perfect Egg, Chicken and Hen. If they mean, a Man cannot in this Life be so perfect as an Angel, it may be true; for an Angel by being incorporeal is allow'd some Perfections we are at present incapable of, and less liable to some Imperfections that we are liable to. If they mean a Man is not capable of being so perfect here as he is capable of being in Heaven, that may be true likewise. But that a Man is not capable of being so perfect here, as he is capable of being here; is not Sense; it is as if I should say, a Chicken in the State of a Chicken is not capable of being so perfect as a Chicken is capable of being in that State. In the above Sense if there may be a p erfect Oyster, a perfect Horse, a perfect Ship, why not a perfect Man? that is as perfect as his present Nature and Circumstances admit? ______________________ Quest. Wherein consists the Happiness of a rational Creature? Ans. In having a Sound Mind and a healthy Body, a Sufficiency of the Necessaries and Conveniencies of Life, together with the Favour of God, and the Love of Mankind. Qu. What do you mean by a sound Mind? A. A Faculty of reasoning justly and truly in searching after and discovering such Truths as relate to my Happiness. Which Faculty is the Gift of God, capable of being improv'd by Experience and Instruction, into Wisdom. Q. What is Wisdom? A. The Knowledge of what will be best for us on all Occasions and of the best Ways of attaining it. Q. Is any Man wise at all Times, and in all Things? A. No; but some are much more frequently wise than others. Q. What do you mean by the Necessaries of Life? A. Having wholesome Food and Drink wherewith to satisfie Hunger and Thirst, Cloathing and a Place of Habitation fit to secure against the inclemencies of the Weather. Q. What do you mean by the Conveniencies of Life? A. Such a Plenty [ ] ______________________ And if in the Conduct of your Affairs you have been deceived by others, or have committed any Error your self, it will be a Discretion in you to observe and note the same, and the Defailance, with the Means or Expedient to repair it. No Man truly wise but who hath been deceived. Let all your observations be committed to writing every Night before you go to Sleep. ______________________ Query, Whether it is worth a Rational Man's While to forego the Pleasure arising from the present Luxury of the Age in Eating and Drinking and artful Cookery, studying to gratify the Appetite for the Sake of enjoying healthy Old Age, a Sound Mind and a Sound Body, which a re the Advantages reasonably to be expected from a more simple and temperate Diet. Whether those Meats and Drinks are not the best, that contain nothing in their natural Tastes, nor have any Thing added by Art so pleasing as to induce us to Eat or Drink when we are not athirst or Hungry or after Thirst and Hunger are satisfied; Water for Instance for Drink and Bread or the Like for Meat? Is there any Difference between Knowledge and Prudence? If there is any, which of the two is most Eligible? Is it justifiable to put private Men to Death for the Sake of publick Safety or Tranquility, who have committed no Crime? As in the Case of the Plague to stop Infection, or as in the Case of the Welshmen here Executed. ______________________ Whether Men ought to be denominated Good or ill Men from their Actions or their Inclinations? If the Sovereign Power attempts to deprive a Subject of his Right, (or which is the same Thing, of what he thinks his Right) is it justifiable in him to resist if he is able? What general Conduct of Life is most suitable for Men in such Circumstances as most of the Members of the Junto are; Or, of the many Schemes of Living which are in our Power to pursue, which will be most probably conducive to our Happiness. Which is best to make a Friend of, a wise and good Man that is poor; or a Rich Man that is neither wise nor good? Which of the two is the greatest Loss to a Country, if they both die? Which of the two is happiest in Life? Does it not in a general Way require great Study and intense Application for a Poor Man to become rich and Powerful, if he would do it, without the Forfeiture of his Honesty? Does it not require as much Pains, Study and Application to become truly Wise and strictly Good and Virtuous as to become rich? Can a Man of common Capacity pursue both Views with Success at the same Time? If not, which of the two is it best for him to make his whole Application to? 1732 _On Drunkenness_ _To the Printer of the_ GAZETTE. I was much pleas'd with the short Caution you gave in one of your late Papers, on Occasion of a Woman whose sudden Death the Coroner's Inquest ascrib'd to the violent Effect of strong Drink; and being my self related in the nearest manner to one, on whom that Caution seem'd to have some good Effect, I could wish you would pursue it further, in which perhaps you may oblige others beside me: For it is now become the Practice of some otherwise discreet Women, instead of a Draught of Beer and a Toast, or a Hunk of Bread and Cheese, or a wooden Noggin of good Porridge and Bread, as our good old English Custom is, or Milk and Bread boiled, or Tea and Bread and Butter, or Milk-Coffee, &c. they must have their two or three DRAMS in a Morning; by which, as I believe, their Appetite for wholesome Food is taken away, and their Minds stupified, so that they have no longer that prudent Care for their Family, to manage well the Business of their Station, nor that regard for Reputation, which good Women ought to have. And tho' they find their Husband's Affairs every Day going backward thro' their Negligence, and themselves want Necessaries; tho' there be no Bread in the House, and the Children almost barefoot this cold Weather, yet, as if Drinking Rum were part of their Religious Worship, they never fail their constant daily Sacrifice. It is not long since I was present at the following Scene. Enters one who was once a handsome Woman, but now with bloated Face and swollen Legs, _How do you do, Neighbour?_ Indifferent. _Bless me, it's very cold, and I've no Wood at home; but I'll go down to_ ------ , _and they'll help me to Wood; for they have a penny to spend, and a penny to lend, and a penny to lay up. Come, can't you give us a Dram?_ No, I wish I had one. _Come, I've got a Penny._ And I've got but a Penny, if more would save my Life I ha'nt it. _Come then, I've got two pence, and your Penny will fetch half a Pint of Run; and you shall be two pence another time._ So away goes the half-pint Bottle. _And you shall find Sugar, and a little Bit of Butter, and that's pure good this cold Weather._ Judge you how finely things are like to be carried on in the Families over which such Women are placed. I for any part shall never more speak against TEA; let those that like it enjoy it for ever: Tea will not take away their Sense of Shame and of Duty, nor their Fear of Censure: Their Pride in this Particular, may make them careful, and industrious, and frugal in other Respects, that they may have wherewith to support their Rank and Credit in the World. They may still preserve their Modesty, and their natural Affection; But Drunkenness is utterly inconsistent with any one of those Virtues which make Women amiable or valuable to Men. _I am your Friend and Reader,_ &c. ______________________ Altho' it has happened, that of the four unfortunate Wretches, who within these few Weeks have died suddenly in this County, by excessive Drinking of strong Liquor, two were indeed Women; yet it must be acknowledged, that this Kind of Intemperance is by far more frequent among the Men than among them: And perhaps 'tis owing to the general Moderation of Women in the Use of strong Drink, that the present Race of Englishmen retain any considerable Degree of the Health, Robustness, and Activity of their Ancestors. There are, however, some, it seems, who, directly contrary to the Advice given by the Angel to the Mother of the strongest Man, instead of refraining all Drink that may intoxicate, are determin'd to drink nothing else. Their Fault will be its own Punishment: But what Crimes have their unhappy Offspring committed, that they are condemn'd to bring Misery into the World with them, to be born with the Seeds of many future Diseases in their Constitution. The Practice of Drinking Drams is so general, and so well establish'd in the World at present, that some People are apt to wonder, and scarce think it possible, when they are told, that Men formerly lived and performed their Labour without it; and that 'tis scarce 50 Years since distill'd Spirits have been commonly used in England. They were first only to be found in the Apothecary's Shop, and prescrib'd by Physicians in extraordinary Cases, a _Drachm_ at a time, whence we have the present Word _Dram_, but it signifies now much more than the _eighth part of an Ounce._ Our Forefathers, 'tis true, have had Beer many Ages; but within the Memory of Men, Temperance in Drinking was so universal amongst them, especially in the inland Country Places, that a good old Man not long since dead with us, could speak it as an extraordinary Thing, _Verily, I tell thee, Friend, I knew a Smith in aoer Toon, who would sometimes go to th' Alehouse, when he had no other Business there, but to drink!_ Observe, it was _a Smith_, which is allow'd to be a thirsty Trade, _and but one Smith!_ I am afraid we have never a modern Miracle on the other side to match it; that is to say, _A Smith_, or indeed any other Tradesman, _in our Town, who never goes to the Tavern_ but when he has other Business there _beside Drinking_. That decrying of _Drams_ may not be thought the Fancy of whimsical particular Men, who love Singularity, and to talk against every thing that is in Fashion; see the united Wisdom of the British Nation, King, Lords, and Commons in Parliament assembled, condemning that Practice, in the Act made in 1729, for restraining it. The Preamble is worth transcribing. _Whereas the Drinking of Spirits and strong Waters is become very common amongst the People of Inferior Rank, and the constant Use thereof tends greatly to the Destruction of th eir Healths, enervating them, and rendring them unfit for useful Labour, intoxicating them, and debauching their Morals, and leading them into all manner of Vices and Wickedness, the Prevention whereof would be of the greatest publick Good and Benefit,_ &c. 'Tis pity that Act had not fully its desired Effect. I might cite the Opinions of our most famous Physicians, who are universally against the Practice we are speaking of: but I have not Room, and can only at present give a Paragraph or two from Dr. _Allen's Synopsis of Physick_, lately published with considerable Applause. In his Chapter of _POISONS_, having treated of mineral, vegetable, and animal _Poisons_, he concludes with this. DISTILLED POISONS. `There is yet another Family of Poisons, to wit, _Vinous Spirits_ and _distilled intoxicating Liquors_; for the too frequent and plentiful devouring of these (as the ill Custom obtains) hath killed as many Thousands of Men as there are Stars in the Skie; nay, ten times ten hundred Thousands have died by these, more than by all the rest of Poisons whatever, which is not in the least to be doubted of; wherefore I usually call this pernicious Mischief, by way excellence, THE HARM, whether in jest or earnest I need not say. It not only occasions violent Distempers in a great many, but also sometimes _sudden Death_ in some; for which Reason, if it does not deserve the Name of _Poison_, what else it would be called I can neither learn nor conjecture. `An ungrateful Burthen lies upon generous Physicians. Those who guzzle burning Spirits Night and Day, according to their detestable Custom, perpetually tippling _liquid Fire_, when they have extinguished all Concoctions, enervated all the Solids, and corrupted the Liquids; and the Fabrick a long while staggering is now ready to fall, then they seek our Help. What is to be done? The Office of a Scavenger is to be performed; and perhaps when the Drain is made, and by chance the Matter retrieved, they presently return to the same Practice again, as a Dog to the Vomit, or a Sow to the Mire; and prodigal of their Lives, they shorten the remaining part of their Days. What must Physicians, or what can Divines do? Medicines can be of no Service, and they will not hearken to Counsel. All Things will be in vain, they rush into the Embraces of the wicked Poison, they become stupid and blind, deafer to Reason and Counsel than _Marpassus's Rocks_, they thirst forever, and drink as if bit by the _Dipsas_, and the more they drink the more they covet of the _deadly distilled Water_, with which, in as much Haste as they can, they close the Scene, even at the Point of Death calling for the Bottle. Most miserable! and deplorable! `O happy Temperance! never too much to be praised! of the _first_, which thou mad'st the _golden_ Age, _the Ornament and Safeguard!_ thy own Persuasive and Value! worshipped and adored by all pure and pious Souls in all Ages. Thou art, if any thing in the Earth, _the true Composer of Archaeus_, and the Preserver of a sound Mind in a sound Body. Thou lead'st thy Adorers right on the way to a long and happy old Age, with a pleasant and youthful, graceful and lovely Countenance. To conclude, thou art adorned with the Praises even of thy Enemies, and art counted lovely by them, with whom, when thou art cast off, there remains the Curse of _Satyricus_, _Let them see this Virtue, and waste away, since they have forsaken it_.' _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 1, 1732/3 _A Meditation on a Quart Mugg_ Wretched, miserable, and unhappy Mug! I pity thy luckless Lot, I commiserate thy Misfortunes, thy Griefs fill me with Compassion, and because of thee are Tears made frequently to burst from my Eyes. How often have I seen him compell'd to hold up his Handle at the Bar, for no other Crime than that of being empty; then snatch'd away by a surly Officer, and plung'd suddenly into a Tub of cold Water: Sad Spectacle, and Emblem of human Penury, oppress'd by arbitrary Power! How often is he hurry'd down into a dismal Vault, sent up fully laden in a cold Sweat, and by a rude Hand thrust into the Fire! How often have I seen it obliged to undergo the Indignities of a dirty Wench; to have melting Candles dropt on its naked Sides, and sometimes in its Mouth, to risque being broken into a thousand Pieces, for Actions which itself was not guilty of! How often is he forced into the Company of boisterous Sots, who say all their Nonsence, Noise, profane Swearing, Cursing, and Quarreling, on the harmless Mug, which speaks not a Word! They overset him, maim him, and sometimes turn him to Arms offensive or defensive, as they please; when of himself he would not be of either Party, but would as willingly stand still. Alas! what Power, or Place, is provided, where this poor Mug, this unpitied Slave, can have Redress of his Wrongs and Sufferings? Or where shall he have a Word of Praise bestow'd on him for his Well-doings, and faithful Services? If he prove of a large size, his Owner curses him, and says he will devour more than he'll earn: If his Size be small, those whom his Master appoints him to serve will curse him as much, and perhaps threaten him with the Inquisition of the Standard. Poor Mug, unfortunate is thy Condition! Of thy self thou wouldst do no Harm, but much Harm is done with thee! Thou art accused of many Mischiefs; thou art said to administer Drunkenness, Poison, and broken Heads: But none praise thee for the good Things thou yieldest! Shouldest thou produce double Beer, nappy Ale, stallcop Cyder, or Cyder mull'd, fine Punch, or cordial Tiff; yet for all these shouldst thou not be prais'd, but the rich Liquors themselves, which tho' within thee, twill be said to be foreign to thee! And yet, so unhappy is thy Destiny, thou must bear all their Faults and Abominations! Hast thou been industriously serving thy Employers with Tiff or Punch, and instantly they dispatch thee for Cyder, then must thou be abused for smelling of Rum. Hast thou been steaming their Noses gratefully, with mull'd Cyder or butter'd Ale, and then offerest to refresh their Palates with the best of Beer, they will curse thee for thy Greasiness. And how, alas! can thy Service be rendered more tolerable to thee? If thou submittest thy self to a Scouring in the Kitchen, what must thou undergo from sharp Sand, hot Ashes, and a coarse Dishclout; besides the Danger of having thy Lips rudely torn, thy Countenance disfigured, thy Arms dismantled, and thy whole Frame shatter'd, with violent Concussions in an Iron Pot or Brass Kettle! And yet, O Mug! if these Dangers thou escapest, with little Injury, thou must at last untimely fall, be broken to Pieces, and cast away, never more to be recollected and form'd into a Quart Mug. Whether by the Fire, or in a Battle, or choak'd with a Dishclout, or by a Stroke against a Stone, thy Dissolution happens; 'tis all alike to thy avaritious Owner; he grieves not for thee, but for the Shilling with which he purchased thee! If thy Bottom-Part should chance to survive, it may be preserv'd to hold Bits of Candles, or Blacking for Shoes, or Salve for kibed Heels; but all thy other Members will be for ever buried in some miry Hole; or less carefully disposed of, so that little Children, who have not yet arrived to Acts of Cruelty, may gather them up to furnish out their Baby-Houses: Or, being cast upon the Dunghill, they will therewith be carted into Meadow Grounds; where, being spread abroad and discovered, they must be thrown to the Heap of Stones, Bones, and Rubbish; or being left until the Mower finds them with his Scythe, they will with bitter Curses be tossed over the Hedge; and so serve for unlucky Boys to throw at Birds and Dogs; until by Length of Time and numerous Casualties, they shall be press'd into their Mother Earth, and be converted to their original Principles. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 19, 1733 _Blackamore, on Mulatto Gentlemen_ _Set a Beggar on Horseback,_ &c. Chesh. Mr. _Gazetteer_, It is observed concerning the Generation of _Molattoes_, that they are seldom well belov'd either by the Whites or the Blacks. Their Approach towards Whiteness, makes them look back with some kind of Scorn the Colour they seem to have left, while the Negroes, who do not think them better than themselves, return their Contempt with Interest: And the Whites, who respect them no Whit the more for the nearer Affinity in Colour, are apt to regard their Behaviour as too bold and assuming, and bordering upon Impudence. As they are next to Negroes, and but just above 'em, they are terribly afraid of being thought Negroes, and therefore avoid as much as possible their Company or Commerce: and Whitefolks are as little fond of the Company of _Molattoes_. When People by their Industry or good Fortune, from mean Beginnings find themselves in Circumstances a little more easy, there is an Ambition seizes many of them immediately to become _Gentlefolks_: But 'tis no easy Thing for a Clown or a Labourer, on a sudden to hit in all respects, the natural and easy Manner of those who have been genteely educated: And 'tis the Curse of _Imitation_, that it almost always either under-does or over-does. The _true Gentleman_, who is well known to be such, can take a Walk, or drink a Glass, and converse freely, if there be occasion, with honest Men of any Degree below him, without degrading or fearing to degrade himself in the least. For my Part, I am an ordinary Mechanick, and I pray I may always have the Grace to know my self and my Station. As little as I have learnt of the World, whenever I find a Man well dress'd whom I do not know, and observe him mighty cautious how he mixes in Company, or converses, or engages in any kind of equal Affair with such as appear to be his Inferiors; I always judge him, and I generally find him, to be some _new Gentleman_, or rather _half Gentleman_, or _Mungrel_, an unnatural Compound of Earth and _Brass_ like the Feet of _Nebuchadnezzar's_ Image. And if in the Way of my Business, I find some young Woman Mistress of a newly fine furnished House, treating me with a kind of Superiority, a distant sort of Freedom, and a high Manner of Condescension that might become a Governor's Lady, I cannot help imagining her to be some poor Girl that is but lately well married: Or if I see something in her very haughty and imperious, I conclude that 'tis not long since she was somebody's Servant Maid. With Regard to the Respect shown them by the _true Gentry_ and the _no Gentry_, our _half Gentry_ are exactly in the Case of the _Mulattoes_ abovementioned. They are the Ridicule and Contempt of both sides. There is my former Acquaintance (but now he cannot speak to me) the lumpish stupid _Jack Chopstick_, while he kept in his natural Sphere, which (as that of all heavy Bodies) is the lowest, the Figure he made among Acquaintance of his own Rank was well enough; none of us envy'd him, 'tis true, nor none of us despis'd him: But now he has got a little Money, the Case is exceedingly alter'd. Without Experience of Men or Knowledge of Books, or even common Wit, the vain Fool thrusts himself into Conversation with People of the best Sense and the most polite. All his Absurdities, which were scarcely taken Notice of among us, stand evident among them, and afford them continual Matter of Diversion. At the same time, we below cannot help considering him as a Monkey that climbs a Tree, the higher he goes, the more he shows his Arse. To conclude with the Thought I began; there are perhaps _Molattoes_ in Religion, in Politicks, in Love, and in several other Things; but of all sorts of _Molattoes_, none appear to me so monstrously ridiculous as the _Molatto Gentleman_. _I am Yours, &c._ BLACKAMORE. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 30, 1733 _Brave Men at Fires_ _To the Publisher of the_ GAZETTE. An experienc'd Writer has said, there was never a great Man that was not an industrious Man, and I believe that there never was a good Man that was a lazy Man. This may serve to introduce a few Thoughts I have had while meditating on the Circumstances of Buildings on Fire, and the Persons there gather'd. Accidental Fires in Houses are most frequent in the Winter and in the Night Time: But neither Cold nor Darkness will deter good People, who are able, from hastening to the dreadful Place, and giving their best Assistance to quench the Flames; nor wicked People from making as much Haste to pilfer; nor others to be idle Spectators. The two latter Sort are not to be easily instructed and made good; and as it is not in my Power to punish them otherwise than by despising them, as all good People do, I shall here neglect to characterize them further. The brave Men who at Fires are active and speedy with their best Advice and Example, or the Labour of their Hands, are uppermost in my Thoughts. This kind of Industry seems to me a great Virtue. He that is afraid to leave a warm Bed, and to walk in the Dark, and to dawb or tear his Clothes or his Skin; He that makes no Difference between Virtue and Vice, and takes no Pleasure in Hospitality; and He that cares not who suff ers, if he himself gains by it, or suffers not; will not any one of them, be industriously concern'd (if their own Dwellings are out of Danger) in preserving from devouring Flames either private or publick Buildings. But how pleasing must it be to a thinking Man to observe, that not a Fire happens in this Town, but soon after it is seen and cry'd out, the Place is crowded by active Men of different Ages, Professions and Titles; who, as of one Mind and Rank, apply themselves with all Vigilance and Resolution, according to their Abilities, to the hard Work of conquering the increasing Fire. Some of the chiefest in Authority, and numbers of good Housekeepers, are ever ready, not only to direct but to labour, and are not seen to shun Parts or Places the most hazardous; and Others who having scarce a Coat in the World besides that on their Backs, will venture that, and their Limbs, in saving of Goods surrounded with Fire, and in rending off flaming Shingles. They do it not for Sake of Reward of Money or Fame: There is no Provision of either made for them. But they have a Reward in themselves, and they love one another. If it were prudent to mention Names, and could Virtue be prais'd without Danger of Envy and Calumny rising against her, I should rejoyce to know a skilful Pen employ'd, to distinguish, in lively Expressions and significant Language, Men so deserving. This poor Paper shall praise them altogether; and while neither its Author nor they are nam'd, Virtue will be its own Reward, and Envy and Calumny have no Body to point at. Ye Men of Courage, Industry, and Goodness, continue thus in well doing; and if you grow not ostentatious, it will be thought by every good Man who sees your Performances; here are brave Men, Men of Spirit and Humanity, good Citizens, or Neighbours, capable and worthy of civil Society, and the Enjoyment of a happy Government. We see where these Men are, and what they are busy about; they are not snoring in their Beds after a De bauch; they are not employ'd in any Crimes for Concealment whereof the Vicious chuse the Night Season, nor do they prefer their own Ease at Home to the Safety of other Peoples Fortunes or Lives. See there a gallant Man who has rescu'd Children from the Flames! -- Another receives in his Arms a poor scorch'd Creature escaping out at a Window! -- Another is loaded with Papers and the best Furniture, and secures them for the Owner. -- What daring Souls are cutting away the flaming Roof to stop the Fires Progress to others! -- How vigorously do these brave Fellows hand along the Water and work the Engines, and assist the Ladders; and with what Presence of Mind, Readiness and Clearness, do these fine Men observe, advise and direct. Here are Heroes and effective Men fit to compose the Prime of an Army, and to either lay or defend a Siege or Storm. This little City, but esteem'd great of its Age, owes not more at this Day for its long Streets and fair Stories, to Architects of any kind, than to those worthy Inhabitants, who have always started at the first Warning, to oppose and vanquish the Rage of Fire. Besides the Pains freely taken by a great many good People in putting out Fires, some are at the Expence of Buckets and Ladders; without which the Business could not be done. And if it be a Duty incumbent on all that can afford it, to provide such useful Implements, I am of Opinion that it is most so on those, who being decrepid or infirm, cannot assist in Person; or who wearing costly Clothes, would not risque their being spoil'd. But such as can neither advise nor labour, should not stand in the Way of others who can, and are willing. It is true indeed, as well among Men as Bees, that some Drones are in every Hive or Swarm; but I hope there are few so void of Consideration, and Regard to private and publick Safety, as a vagabond Fellow at the late Fire, who, being smartly ask'd by an industrious young Man, why he did not lend a Hand to the Buck ets, answer'd, He car'd not if all the Houses in Town were o'Fire: For which he receiv'd a Bucket of Water on his impudent Face. This was a fit Reward, as it was near at Hand and took up a little Time to give it, but I doubt not a large Majority of People think with me, that he deserves a Punishment much greater and more exemplary. _December_ 1. 1733. _Pennsilvanus_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 20, 1733 _Queries on a Pennsylvania Militia_ B. Franklin, _Thee art desired to insert the following Queries in the_ Gazette, _for the Consideration of People_. Whether it is not a great Disadvantage to the _French_, and a great Discouragement to their Colonies on this Continent, that from the Mouth of _Missisipi_ to St. _Lawrence_ they have no Ports to the Sea, for the Benefit of Trade; but see them all in the Hands of the _English_, for 1500 Miles; tho' they possess a fine Country back of the same Extent? Whether the Possession of the Governments of _N. Y. J. and P._ would not be very convenient for them, as well on Account of the Plenty of Provisions raised here, as for our Rivers which run far back towards their present Settlements? Whether it is not possible for our Pilots to be compell'd to bring armed Vessels up this River? Whether Vessels do not oftentimes turn the Point in Sight of this Town, before we hear of their being in the River? Whether if this Town could be surpriz'd, there is not Plate, Clocks, Watches and other rich Goods in it, sufficient to make it worth their While that attempt? Whether, considering our present Circumstances, any great Number of Men would be necessary for such an Enterprize, or whether a moderate Number would run any great Risque in it? Whether they who are against fortifying their Coun try against an Enemy, ought not, by the same Principle to be against shutting and locking their Doors a Nights? Whether it be not as just to shoot an Enemy who comes to destroy my Country, and deprive the People of their Substance, Lives and Liberties, as to sit (being either Judge or Juryman) and condemn a Man to Death for breaking open a House, or taking a Purse? Whether there was not formerly a People, who possessed a large and good Land, where there was plenty of every Thing; and who lived _after the Manner of the Zidonians, careless, quiet, and secure_? Whether this was not an Invitation to an Enemy? And what was the Consequence? See Judges 18. Whether the _French_ Soldiers are a good, friendly, harmless Sort of People; or whether they are not composed of the Scum, the most profligate, wicked, and abandoned of the Nation? Whether, if they were in Possession of these Governments, and quarter'd upon the Inhabitants, they would out of Honesty and Scruple of Conscience, forbear to take any Thing which was not their own? And out of Modesty and Bashfulness, forbear to ravish any of our Wives and Daughters? Or whether they would not do as they did, when they overrun _Holland_ in 1675? Whether we are sure that if they should attempt to abuse our Women, our Men could be quiet and peaceable Witnesses of it; and that Attempts to rescue and prevent, would not occasion frequent and daily Murders here, as well as in _Holland_ aforesaid? Whether they would not take as much Pride in deflouring _Quaker_ Girls, as the _English_ did in the Nuns of the Town they took in _Spain_? Whether from the Purity of our Lives and the Sanctity of our Manners, we have any more Reason to expect the immediate Protection of Heaven than the rest of our Neighbours? Whether the ancient Story of the Man, who sat down and prayed his Gods to lift his Cart out of the Mire , hath not a very good Moral? Whether 500 disciplined Men well armed, are not able to beat an unarm'd, unheaded, undisciplined, and affrighted Mob of 5000? Whether, if it were known that we fortifyed and exercised ourselves, it would not contribute towards discouraging an Enemy from attacking us? _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 6, 1733/4 _On Constancy_ ------ _Hi mores baec duri immota_ Catonis _Secta fuit, servare modum, finemque tenere, Naturamque sequi, patriaeque impendere vitam_. Lucan. When I have sometimes observ'd Men of Wit and Learning, in Spite of their excellent natural and acquir'd Qualifications, fail of obtaining that Regard and Esteem with Mankind, which their Inferiors in point of Understanding frequently arrive at, I have, upon a slight Reflection, been apt to think, that it was owing to the ill Judgment, Malice, or Envy of their Acquaintance: But of late two or three flagrant Instances of this kind have put me upon thinking and deliberating more maturely, and I find within the Compass of my Observation the greatest part of those fine Men have been ruined for want of _CONSTANCY_, a Virtue never too highly priz'd, and whose true Worth is by few rightly understood. A Man remarkably wavering and inconstant, who goes through with no Enterprize, adheres to no Purpose that he has resolv'd on, whose Courage is surmounted by the most trifling Obstacles, whose Judgment is at any time byass'd by his Fears, whose trembling and disturb'd Imagination will at every Turn suggest to him Difficulties and Dangers that actually have no Existence, and enlarge those that have; A Man, I say, of this Stamp, whatever natural and acquir'd Qual ities he may have, can never be a truly useful Member of a Common-wealth, a sincere or amiable Friend, or a formidable Enemy; and when he is once incapable of bearing either of these Characters, 'tis no Wonder he is contemn'd and disregarded by Men of all Ranks and Conditions. Without Steadiness or Perseverance no Virtue can long subsist; and however honest and well-meaning a Man's Principles may be, the Want of this is sufficient to render them ineffectual, and useless to himself or others. Nor can a Man pretend to enjoy or impart the lasting Sweets of a strict and glorious Friendship, who has not Solidity enough to despise the malicious Misrepresentations frequently made use of to disturb it, and which never fail of Success where a mutual Esteem is not founded upon the solid Basis of Constancy and Virtue. An Intimacy of this sort, contracted by chance, or the Caprice of an unstable Man, is liable to the most violent Shocks, and even an intire Ruin, from very trifling Causes. Such a Man's Incapacity for Friendship, makes all that know his Character absolutely indifferent to him: His known Fickleness of Temper renders him too inconsiderable to be fear'd as a Foe, or caress'd as a Friend. I may venture to say there never was a Man eminently famous but what was distinguish'd by this very Qualification; and few if any can live comfortably even in a private Life without it; for a Man who has no End in View, no Design to pursue, is like an irresolute Master of a Ship at Sea, that can fix upon no one Port to steer her to, and consequently can call not one Wind favourable to his Wishes. 'Tis by his firm and unshaken Adherence to his Country's Cause, his constant Bravery in her Defence, and his burying himself but in her Ruins, that the rigid and severe _Cato_ shines thro' those admirable Lines of _Lucan_, of which my Motto is a part, superior to the learn'd and eloquent _Cicero_, the great and majestick _Pompey_, or the mighty and invincible _Caesar_ himself. This is alone what could move the Poet to set him in Competition with the Gods themselves, and will transmit him down to latest Posterity with the highest Veneration and Honour. To come nearer to our own Times; 'Tis the extraordinary Constancy of _Charles_ XII. of _Sweden_, which makes up the most admirable and inimitable Part of his Character: His severe and impartial Distribution of Justice in his Army, and that fierce and resolute Speech with which he broke up his Council, _Gentlemen, I have resolved never to engage in an unjust War, but never to finish one that is founded upon Justice and Right, but by the Destruction of my Enemies:_ these and such like Instances of his Steadiness and Perseverance in the Pursuit of Justice, have deservedly made him esteem'd the Wonder of his Age. King _Charles_ II. of _England_, was doubtless a Man of great Understanding: His acquir'd Qualities far surpass'd those of _Cromwell_, and his natural Talents at least equal'd them: He came to rule over a People, formidable to all _Europe_ for their Bravery, and exceedingly prepossessed in his Favour; he had learn'd to bear Misfortune by many Years Exile, and numerous Hazards and Difficulties: With these Advantages how great and glorious might he have made his Reign, by the Happiness, Content and Security of his People! 'Tis however undeniable, that the _English_ never were less happy, or less regarded by their Neighbours, than during his Reign. The Reason is obvious; his Inconstancy and Indolence laid him open to every trifling Project, every self-interested Scheme, that an avaritious or revengeful Minister or Mistress could suggest to him for their own sinister Ends. 'Tis this has given many Occasion to think, that he acted thro'out his whole Reign upon no Principles and Maxims, and had no one Design in View. _Cromwel_ came to the supreme Authority with few of these Advantages, and against the Will of the whole Nation, except a few Fanaticks in the Army; but his constant and resolute Carriage, which was the Effect of his keeping one principal End in view, surmounted all Obstacles: 'Twas this, and this alone, which rais'd him so far above the Malice of his Enemies, or the Expectation of his Friends; and gain'd him that high Character from a judicious Historian, _That never Man chose his Party with more Judgment, and executed his Designs with more Constancy and Vigour_. By virtue of this Constancy the _English_ Nation under him arriv'd to that Pitch of Grandeur, as to become a Terror and Dread to their Enemies, and the greatest Protection to their Allies. 'Tis this steady Perseverance that render'd him the Center of the different Factions and Interests in which _England_ was at that time embroil'd, that secur'd his former Friends and Adherents to his Interest, and deter'd his Foes from attempting to undermine his Authority. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 4, 1734 _The Death of Infants_ _Ostendunt Terris hunc tantum Fata, neque ultra Esse sinunt_. -------- Virgil. It has been observ'd Sir _William Petty_ in his _Political Arithmetick_, that one half of Mankind, which are born into this World, die, before they arrive to the age of _Sixteen_, and that an half of the remaining part never measure out the short Term of _Thirty_ Years. That this Observation is pretty just, every inquisitive Person may be satisfied by comparing the several Bills of Mortality, published in _Europe_, for some Years past; even a cursory View of any common Burial-place may, in a great measure evidence the Truth of it. Many Arguments, to prove a _Future State_, have been drawn from the unequal Lot of good and bad Men upon Earth, but no one seems to carry a greater Degree of Probability in it, than the foregoing Observation. -- , To see Virtue languish and repine, to see Vice prosperous and triumphant, to see a _Dives_ faring deliciously every Day, and rioting in all the Excess of Luxury and Wantonness; to see a _Lazarus_ poor, hungry, naked, and full of Sores, lying at his Door, and denied even the Crumbs that fall from his Table, the Portion of his Dogs, which Dogs are more charitable, more human than their Master: Such a View, I confess, raises in us a violent Presumption that there is another State of Retribution, where the Just and the Unjust will be equally punished or rewarded by an impartial Judge. On the other hand, when we reflect on the vast Numbers of Infants, that just struggle into Life, then weep and die, and at the same time consider, that it can be in no wise consistent with the Justice and Wisdom of an infinite Being, to create to no end, we may very reasonably conclude, that those animated Machines, those _Men_ in _miniature_, who know no Difference between Good and Evil, who are incapable of any good Offices towards their Fellow-Creatures, or of serving their Maker, were made for good and wise Designs and Purposes, which Purposes, and Designs transcend all the Limits of our Ideas and all our present Capacities to conceive. Should an able and expert Artificer employ all his Time and his Skill in contriving and framing an exquisite Piece of _Clock-work_, which, when he had brought it to the utmost Perfection Wit and Art were capable of, and just set it a-going, he should suddenly dash it to pieces; would not every wise Man naturally infer, that his intense Application had disturb'd his Brain and impair'd his Reason? Let us now contemplate the Body of an Infant, that curious Engine of Divine Workmanship. What a rich and artful Structure of Flesh upon the solid and well compacted Foundation of Bones! What curious Joints and Hinges, on which the Limbs are moved to and fro! What an inconceivable Variety of Nerves, Veins, Arteries, Fibres and little invisible parts are found in every Member! What various Fluids, Blood and Juices run thro' and agitate the innumerable slender Tubes, the hollow Strings and Strainers of the Body! What millions of folding Doors are fixed within, to stop those red or transparent Rivulets in their course, either to prevent their Return backwards, or else as a Means to swell the Muscles and move the Limbs! What endless contrivances to secure Life, to nourish Nature, and to propagate the same to future Animals! Can we now imagine after such a Survey, that so wise, so good and merciful a Creator should produce _Myriads_ of such exquisite Machines to no other End or Purpose, but to be deposited in the dark Chambers of the Grave, where each of the Dead lie in their cold Mansions, in Beds of Darkness and Dust. The Shadows of a long Evening are stretch'd over them, the Curtains of a deep Midnight are drawn around them, _The Worm lies under them, and the Worm covers them_. No! the Notion of Annihilation has in it something so shocking and absurd, Reason should despise it; rather let us believe, that when they drop this earthly Vehicle they assume an Aetherial one, and become the Inhabitants of some more glorious Region. May they not help to people that infinite Number of _Starry_ and _Planetary_ Worlds that roll above us: may they not become our better _Genii_, our Guardian Angels, watch round our Bed and our Couch, direct our wandring Paths thro' the Maze and Labyrinth of Life, and at length conduct us safe, even us, who were the Instruments of their passing thro' this _Valley_ of Sorrow and Death, to a Land of Peace and the Mountains of _Paradise_? -- But these are things that belong to the Provinces of Light and immortality, and lie far beyond our mortal Ken. -- I was led into this Train of thinking by the Death of a desireable Child, whose Beauty is now turning a pace into Corruption, and all the Loveliness of its Countenance fled for ever. Death sits heavy upon it, and the Sprightliness and Vigour of Life is perished in every Feature and in every Limb. If the foregoing Reflections should urge any one forward in the Paths of Vertue, or yield any Consolation to those in the like Circumstances, and help to divert the Stream of their Sorow into a better Channel, I shall hope my Thoughts have been employ'd to good Purpose. When Nature gave us Tears, she gave us leave to weep. A long Separation from those who are so near a-kin to us in Flesh and Blood, will touch the Heart in a painful Place, and awaken the tenderest Springs of Sorrow. The Sluices must be allowed to be held open a little; _Nature_ seems to demand it as a Debt to _Love_. When _Lazarus_ died, _Jesus_ groaned and wept. I shall only add by way of Conclusion an _Epitaph_ upon an Infant: It is taken from a Tombstone in a little obscure Village in _England_, that seems to have very little Title to any thing so elegantly poetical, which renders it the more remarkable. _Read this and weep -- but not for me; Lament thy longer Misery: My Life was short, my Grief the less; Blame not my Hast to Happiness!_ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 20, 1734 _Parody and Reply to a Religious Meditation_ _By being too nice in the Choice of the little Pieces sent me by my Correspondents to be printed, I had almost discouraged them from writing to me any more. For the Time to come, and that my Paper may become still more generally agreeable, I have resolved not to regard my own Humour so much in what I print; and thereupon I give my Readers the two following Letters_. Mr. _Franklin_, You gave us in your last a melancholy Account of Human Life, in the Meditation upon that Subject. The gloomy and splenetick Part of your Readers like it much; but as for me, I do not love to see the dark Side of Things; and besides, I do not think such Reflections upon Life altogether just. The World is a very good World, and if we behave our selves well, we shall doubtless do very well in it. I never thought even _Job_ in the right, when he repin'd that the Days of a Man are _few_ and _full of Trouble_; for certainly both these Things cannot be together just Causes of Complaint; if our Days are full of Trouble, the fewer of 'em the better. But as for the Author of the Meditation above-mention'd, besides what he says in common with _Job_, he seems to complain in several respects very weakly, and without the least shadow of Reason; in particular, That he cannot be alive now, and ten Years ago, and ten Years hence, at the same time: With very little Variation, as you shall see, his elegant Expressions will serve for a Child who laments that he cannot eat his Cake and have his Cake. _All the few days we live are full of Vanity; and our choicest Pleasures sprinkled with bitterness:_ All the few Cakes we have are puffed up with Yeast; and the nicest Gingerbread is spotted with Flyshits! _The time that's past is vanish'd like a dream; and that which is to come is not yet at all:_ The Cakes that we have eaten are no more to be seen; and those which are to come are not yet baked. _The present we are in stays but for a moment, and then flies away, and returns no more:_ The present Mouthful is chewed but a little while, and then is swallowed down, and comes up no more. _Already we are dead to the years we have liv'd; and shall never live them over again: Already we have digested the Cakes we have eaten, and shall never eat them over again. _But the longer we live, the shorter is our life; and in the end we become a little lump of clay_. And the more we eat, the less is the Piece remaining; and in the end the whole will become Sir-reverence! _O vain, and miserable world! how sadly true is all this story!_ O vain and miserable Cake-shop! _&c_. Away with all such insignificant Meditations. I am for taking _Solomon_'s Advice, _eating Bread with Joy, and drinking Wine with a merry Heart_. Let us rejoice and bless God, that we are neither Oysters, Hogs, nor Dray-Horses; and not stand repining that He has not made us Angels; lest we be found unworthy of that share of Happiness He has thought fit to allow us. _I am, Yours,_ &c. S. M. _SIR,_ Seeing a very _melancholy_ Piece in your Paper of last Week, asking your Pardon, I think we have enough of that Humour in the World already, without your Addition: I have therefore written the following few Lines in order to palliate it. And as that may be very acceptable to some of your Readers, this may to some others, if you think fit to give it a Place in your next. _I am, Yours, &c_. J. Anonymous. _Most happy are we, the sons of men, above all other creatures, who are born to behold the glorious rays of the sun, and to enjoy the pleasant fruits of the earth_. _With what pleasure did our parents first receive us, first to hear us cry, then to see us smile, and afterwards to behold us growing up and thriving in the world_. _By their good examples and a vertuous education, they put us in the right path to happiness, as all good parents do;_ _Then we, by making a right use of that share of reason with which God hath endued us, spend our days in gaining and enjoying the blessings of life, which are innumerable._ _If we meet with crosses and disappointments, they are but as sowr sauce to the sweet meats we enjoy, and the one hath not a right relish without the other._ _As time passes away, it carries our past pains with it, and returns no more; and the longer we live the fewer misfortunes we have to go through._ _If death takes us off in the heighth of our prosperity, it takes us from the pains which may ensue._ _And a great blessing attends old age, for by that we are naturally wean'd from the pleasures of youth, and a more solid pleasure takes place, The thoughts of our having so far escaped all the hazards that attend mankind, and a contemplation on all our former good actions._ _And if we have done all the good we could, we have done all that we ought, and death is no terror to a good man._ _And after we are far declined, with hearty praises and thanks we recommend our soul to God, the eternal Being from whom we received it._ _Then comes the grave, and the sweet sleep of death, pleasant as a bed is to a weary traveller after a long journey_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 8, 1734 _A Thunderstorm_ Sunday last between 7 and 8 in the Evening we had the most terrible Gust of Wind and Rain accompanied with Thunder and Lightning, that can be remembred in these Parts: It blew down several Stacks of Chimneys, uncovered several Houses, some wholly and others in Part; and quite demolished some weak Buildings. The Violence of it did not continue long, but the Storm was of wide Extent, for we have heard of it from _Conestogoe_, from the Mouth of the Bay, and from _New-York_: At _Conestogoe_ it was about half an hour before it arrived here, but in the Bay it was at near Midnight. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, September 25, 1734 _The Murder of a Daughter_ Saturday last, at a Court of Oyer and Terminer held here, came on the Tryal of a Man and his Wife, who were indicted for the Murder of a Daughter which he had by a former Wife, (a Girl of about 14 Years of Age) by turning her out of Doors, and thereby exposing her to such Hardships, as afterwards produced grievous Sickness and Lameness; during which, instead of supplying her with Necessaries and due Attendance, they treated her with the utmost Cruelty and Barbarity, suffering her to lie and rot in her Nastiness, and when she cried for Bread giving her into her Mouth with a Iron Ladle, her own Excrements to eat, with a great Number of other Circumstances of the like Nature, so that she languished and at length died. The Evidence against them was numerous, and in many Particulars positive; but the Opinion of the Physician who had visited the Child, that whatever Usage might be given her, the Distemper she laboured under was such, as would of itself in all Probability have ended her Life about the Time she died, it is thought weighed so much with the Jury, that they brought in their Verdict only _Man-slaughter_. A Verdict which the Judge, (in a short but pathetic Speech to the Prisoners before the Sentence) told them was _extreamly favourable_; and that, as the Relation of their hitherto unheard-of Barbarity had in the highest Manner shocked all that were present; so, if they were not perfectly stupified, the inward Reflection upon their own enormous Crimes, must be more terrible and shocking to them, than the Punishment they were to undergo: For that they had not only acted contrary to the particular Laws of all Nations, but had even broken the Universal Law of Nature; since there are no Creatures known, how savage, wild, and fierce soever, that have not implanted in them a natural Love and Care of their tender Offspring, and that will not even hazard Life in its Protection and Defence. -- But this is not the only Instance the present Age has afforded, of the incomprehensible Insensibility Dram-drinking is capable of producing. -- They were sentenced to be burnt in the Hand, which was accordingly executed in Court, upon them both, but first upon the Man, who offer'd to receive another Burning if so be his Wife might be excused; but was told the Law would not allow it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 24, 1734 _Variant Accounts of a Battle_ _As there is nothing more partial than the Accounts given of Battles, all of them lessening or magnifying the Loss or Gain on either Side, just as the Writers are affected; we find it necessary to publish several Accounts on both Sides, when there has been any important Action, that so the Reader may be the better enabled to form a true Judgment: And therefore to the Relations we have already publish'd of the late important Battle in_ Italy, _we shall add the following._ _Guastalla, Sept_. 18. Long had the brave Count Koningsegg meditated Revenge for the fatal Battle of Parma, and Relief for the Honour of the Imperial Arms, by giving the Allies some desperate Blow. He had made several Attempts, but was constantly betrayed; his Designs always took Air, and he could never discover the Traitors: At last, however, he has carried them into Execution. There is an old Saying in Lombardy, That if a Man would execute any Grand Design, he must take Care to possess himself of the Seraglio, (a Spot of Ground between Mantua and the Po). Count Merci neglected this Advice; but Count Koningsegg thought it very just and solid, and posted the 4000 Croatians there, supported by three Regiments of Horse under the Command of General Berlinger, whom he ordered to act along the Oglio as Opportunity should offer. On the 4th, Count Koningsegg ordered the whole Army to be upon its Guard, and every Man in his Post, as if he had received Notice that he should be attacked by the Allies. About Five o'Clock in the Evening, he gave Orders, at the same time that he discovered to them the Design he was going to execute. The Guards were doubled, and Notice was given, that no Person should stir out of the Camp without Leave. The Retreat was beat, as usual, that they might hear it in the Enemy's Camp; and the Trumpets having flourished as at other times, every one retired. At Midnight the Army began its March in three Columns, and in Order of Battle, the Soldiers only in their Wastecoats, without Coats or Knapsacks; _We shall find enough in the Enemy's Camp_, said their Officers to them, _if you have any Hearts_. 13,000 Foot and 6 Regiments of Horse advanced first towards the Secchia above Quistello, and forded it, there not being above three Foot Water. The Count de Waldebeck staid with his Brigade facing Quistello, to make a faint Attack there, as soon as he should hear that they had surprized the Head-Quarters at Bondanello. The French had at Quistello, (which they had well retrenched) 1000 Men and nine Pieces of Cannon; and they had at that time above sixty Officers there. As soon as the Germans had passed the Secchia, they fell upon the Marshal de Broglio's Quarters, who was so sound asleep, that our Granadiers were in his Court-Yard, before he was well awake: Fifty Men and the Officers of the Guard made some Resistance, to give him Time to make his Escape at the back Door in his Shirt, with his Breeches in one Hand, and his two Sons in the other. The Guard then surrendered; and we advanced to the Bridge over-against Quistello, and carried that Quarter; but here the Count de Waldebeck was killed, greatly lamented. During these Preliminaries, the Army advanced apace, and fell upon the Count de Broglio's Body, which consisted of 28 or 30 Battalions, who fled in their Shirts and left their very Arms behind them. The brave Regiments of the King and Picardie were among these; every Man made the best Shift he could for himself, and carried the Alarm to the Right. The Marshal de Coigny made the Troops under his Command take Arms, all in a Hurry and Disorder, and was advancing to the Right; but perceiving that the Imperial Army was marching towards him in three Columns, he halted and called a Council of War; and the Imperialists just then moving towards their Left, it was imagined that they would endeavour to cut off the Army's Retreat towards the Bridge of Guastalla; and therefore it was instantly resolved to make a Retreat that way in the best Order they could. Some Battalions were left with Artillery in the neighbouring Cassines, to stop the Enemy; but those Troops made but a very slender Resistance, and were obliged to yield themselves Prisoners of War. Count Koningsegg seeing the Enemy's Disorder on all Sides, sent 10,000 Men this way, under the Command of Prince Lewis of Wirtemberg, and advanced towards San Benedetto, where were the Head-Quarters of the Savoyards: The King of Sardinia made his Escape in his Night-Gown and Slippers; but two Regiments of his Troops were cut off from the rest and taken. Some Squadrons of Dragoons and the Hussars broke and put into Disorder the Enemy's Rear-Guard, who are divided into Bodies of 2 or 3000 Men each, most of them without Arms, Baggage or Artillery, which we hope to cut off and take one after the other; for we are still pursuing them. The Booty already taken, amounts to upwards of 15 Millions of Livres; for we have taken the Arms of one Third of the Gallo-Sardinick Army, all the Artillery, 12 or 1500 Waggons, all the Baggage, heavy and light, all the Tents; and between 6 and 8000 Prisoners. There were doubtless 1000 or 1200 of the Enemy killed. Never was seen such Confusion. But the Generals who suffered themselves to be thus surprized, how will they come off. _Next here follows a more particular Account of the Second Battle between the same Armies, which happened on the_ 19_th of_ Sept. _viz._ _Mantua, Sept._ 24. We have here the following Particulars of the Battle fought the 19th near Guastalla. Count Konigsegg broke up from Luzara the 16th about Nine in the Morning, and at Ten he ordered the Enemy, who were posted under Guastalla, to be attack'd by seven Battalions of Foot and 12 Companies of General Valpereve and Colmenero, who made the Onset in a very brave and intrepid Manner. The Enemy pour'd on fresh Troops continually; whereupon our Troops were reinforc'd with 17 Companies of Grenadiers and 19 Battallions of Foot: Then the Action became general in a Moment, and thereupon we order'd 50 Squadrons to engage: The Enemy's Horse were then on a Plain, where they were, most advantageously posted behind the Cassines, very deep Ditches, and a great many Bushes, from whence they made a terrible and constant Fire upon our Men, which prevented our knowing their Number. The Generals Valpareve and Colmenero were killed in the Beginning of this Attack, as were all the Field Officers; so that only one Lieutenant-Colonel was at the Head of the seven Battalions who began the Attack. The Prince of Wirtemberg was killed in the Middle of this Action, when his Presence was most necessary to lead on the Foot. Count Koningsegg then seeing that it was impossible for him to break the Enemy's Cavalry, after a continual Fire of about six Hours, order'd his Army to retire, which they did in so good Order, that the Enemy durst not pursue him; and he went and encamped at Luzara, where his Army was encamped the Day before. Notwithstanding the great Loss of Officers above-mentioned, whereby the Attack was something slackened, and our Troops brought into some disorder, our Men did not retire or lose one Inch of Ground, till they were ordered to draw off from the Field of Battle. The Number of our killed and wounded Men amounts to between 4 and 6000. For six or seven Hours nothing was to be seen but Fire and Sword, Dead and Wounded, and Rivulets of Blood. The Field of Battle was indeed left to the Enemy, where they could find nothing to give them Occasion to boast of a Victory; for as the Fire on both Sides was equally strong and continual, we judge their Loss must be equal to ours. The Velt Marshal Konnigsegg has been join'd since the last Battle by 4000 Croatians and three Regiments of Horse. His Excellency is actually making new Dispositions for another Combat. The Retreat of the Imperial Army was owing to the unhappy Loss of the Prince of Wirtemberg, and the Wounds receiv'd by the Generals Valpariso and Watchtendonck; most of the prime Officers were also disabled, by which means none but Lieutenant-Colonel de Uhlenfeld was left to command the seven Battalions engag'd in the heat of Action. Our Loss amounts to between 4 or 5000 Men; that of the Enemy must be as considerable, if not larger. _Paris, Octo_. 6. By our last Account from Italy the Battle of the 19th past was very bloody; for during the Combat wherein the Enemy had between 12 and 13000 kill'd and wounded, they sent away 200 Waggons full of wounded Men; but towards the End, being press'd closely, were oblig'd to leave 900 wounded in the Field, whom our General had remov'd in order to be taken care of. We reckon between 6 and 7000 killed and wounded on our Side. After the Battle the Enemy intrench'd themselves on the Banks of the Po, over-against Burgo-Fort, where they have a Bridge to retire over into the Mantuan in case of Occasion. On the 3d Te Deum was sung in the Church of Notre Dame for the signal Victory in Italy. _London, Octo_. 5. Letters from Paris intimate, that his Most Christian Majesty has been pleas'd to order 100,000 Crowns to be distributed among the Officers who lost their Equipages, when Count Koninsegg surpriz'd the Marshal de Broglio's Quarters; and at the same Time sent Instructions to Marshal Coigny, to inform him of the Number of Officers who had been kill'd in the Surprize, as well as at the Battle, in order to settle Pensions upon their Widows and Children. A private Letter from Paris, dated the 29th, tells us, that the Germans, on the 19th being Sunday, with uncommon Valour attack'd the Allies in their Intrenchment at Guastalla. At 10 the whole Armies were engaged, Sword in Hand. The Fight lasted till 5 in the Afternoon, when the Germans retired, without being pursued, to Luzara, and left behind them some Pieces of Cannon, and a few Colours and Standards. That 15000 Men were kill'd on both Sides, among them 800 Officers. That Marshal de Coigny was wounded, M. d'Harcourt lost one Arm. 'Tis agreed on all Hands, that the Allies were much superior in Number, notwithstanding which, putting the two Actions together, the Loss on both Sides was supposed to be equal. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 19, 1734 _On Protection of Towns from Fire_ _Mr. Franklin,_ Being old and lame of my Hands, and thereby uncapable of assisting my Fellow Citizens, when their Houses are on Fire; I must beg them to take in good Part the following Hints on the Subject of Fires. In the first Place, as _an Ounce of Prevention is worth a Pound of Cure_, I would advise 'em to take Care how they suffer living Brands-ends, or Coals in a full Shovel, to be carried out of one Room into another, or up or down Stairs, unless in a Warmingpan shut; for Scraps of Fire may fall into Chinks, and make no Appearance till Midnight; when your Stairs being in Flames, you may be forced, (as I once was) to leap out of your Windows, and hazard your Necks to avoid being over-roasted. And now we talk of Prevention, where would be the Damage, if, to the Act for preventing Fires, by regulating Bakehouses and Coopers Shops, a Clause were added to regulate all other Houses in the particulars of too shallow Hearths, and the detestable Practice of putting wooden Mouldings on each side the Fire Place, which being commonly of Heart-of-Pine and full of Turpentine, stand ready to flame as soon as a Coal or a small Brand shall roul against them. Once more; If Chimneys were more frequently and more carefully clean'd, some Fires might thereby be prevented. I have known foul Chimneys burn most furiously a few Days after they were swept: People in Confidence that they are clean, making large Fires. Every Body among us is allow'd to sweep Chimneys, that please to undertake that Business; and if a Chimney fires thro' fault of the Sweeper, the Owner pays the Fine, and the Sweeper goes free. This Thing is not right. Those who undertake Sweeping of Chimneys, and employ Servants for that Purpose, ought to be licensed by the Mayor; and if any Chimney fires and flames out 15 Days after Sweeping, the Fine should be paid by the Sweeper; for it is his Fault. We have at present got Engines enough in the Town, but I question, whether in many Parts of the Town, Water enough can be had to keep them going for half an Hour together. It seems to me some Publick Pumps are wanting; but that I submit to better Judgments. As to our Conduct in the Affair of Extinguishing Fires, tho' we do not want Hands or Good-will, yet we seem to want Order and Method, and therefore I believe I cannot do better than to offer for our Imitation, the Example of a City in a Neigbouring Province. There is, as I am well inform'd, a Club or Society of active Men belonging to each Fire Engine; whose Business is to attend all Fires with it whenever they happen; and to work it once a Quarter, and see it kept in order: Some of these are to handle the Firehooks, and others the Axes, which are always kept with the Engine; and for this Service they are consider'd in an Abatement or Exemption in the Taxes. In Time of Fire, they are commanded by Officers appointed by Law, called _Firewards_, who are distinguish'd by a Red Staff of five Feet long, headed with a Brass Flame of 6 Inches; And being Men of Prudence and Authority, they direct the opening and stripping of Roofs by the Ax-Men, the pulling down burning Timbers by the Hook-men, and the playing of the Engines, and command the making of Lanes, &c. and they are impowered to require Assistance for the Removing of Goods out of Houses on fire or in Danger of Fire, and to appoint Guards for securing such Goods; and Disobedience, to these Officers in any, at such Times, is punished by a Fine of 40 s. or Ten Days Imprisonment. These Officers, with the Men belonging to the Engine, at their Quarterly Meetings, discourse of Fires, of the Faults committed at some, the good Management in some Cases at others, and thus communicating their Thoughts and Experience they grow wise in the Thing, and know how to command and to execute in the best manner upon every Emergency. Since the Establishment of this Regulation, it seems there has been no extraordinary Fire in that Place; and I wish there never may be any here. But they suffer'd before they made such a Regulation, and so must we; for _Englishmen_ feel but cannot see; as the _Italian_ says of us. And it has pleased God, that in the Fires we have hitherto had, all the bad Circumstances have never happened together, such as dry Season, high Wind, narrow Street, and little or low Water: which perhaps tends to make us secure in our own Minds; but if a Fire with those Circumstances, which God forbid, should happen, we should afterwards be careful enough. Let me say one thing more, and I will be silent. I could wish, that either Tiles would come in use for a Covering to Buildings; or else that those who build, would make their Roofs more safe to walk upon, by carrying the Wall above the Eves, in the Manner of the new Buildings in _London_, and as Mr. _Turner's_ House in _Front-Street_, or Mr. _Nichols_'s in _Chesnut-Street_, are built; which I conceive would tend considerably to their Preservation. Let others communicate their Thoughts as freely as I have done mine, and perhaps something useful may be drawn from the Whole. _I am yours,_ &c. _A. A._ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 4, 1734/5 _Self-Denial Not the Essence of Virtue_ To the Printer of the Gazette. _That SELF-DENIAL is not the ESSENCE of VIRTUE_. It is commonly asserted, that without _Self-Denial_ there is no Virtue, and that the greater the _Self-Denial_ the greater the Virtue. If it were said, that he who cannot deny himself in any Thing he inclines to, tho' he knows it will be to his Hurt, has not the Virtue of _Resolution_ or _Fortitude_, it would be intelligible enough; but as it stands it seems obscure or erroneous. Let us consider some of the Virtues singly. If a Man has no inclination to _wrong_ People in his Dealings, if he feels no Temptation to it, and therefore never does it; can it be said that he is not a just Man? If he is a just Man, has he not the Virtue of Justice? If to a certain Man, idle Diversions have nothing in them that is tempting, and therefore he never relaxes his Application to Business for their Sake; is he not an Industrious Man? Or has he not the Virtue of Industry? I might in like manner instance in all the rest of the Virtues: But to make the Thing short, As it is certain, that the more we strive against the Temptation to any Vice, and practise the contrary Virtue, the weaker will that Temptation be, and the stronger will be that Habit; 'till at length the Temptation has no Force, or entirely vanishes: Does it follow from thence, that in our Endeavours to overcome Vice, we grow continually less and less Virtuous; till at length we have no Virtue at all? If Self-Denial be the Essence of Virtue, then it follows, that the Man who is naturally temperate, just, &c. is not virtuous; but that in order to be virtuous, he must, in spight of his natural Inclinations, wrong his Neighbours, and eat and drink, &c. to excess. But perhaps it may be said, that by the Word _Virtue_ in the above Assertion, is meant, _Merit_; and so it should stand thus; Without Self-Denial there is no Merit; and the greater the Self-Denial the greater the Merit. The Self-denial here meant, must be when our Inclinations are towards Vice, or else it would still be Nonsense. By Merit is understood, Desert; and when we say a Man merits, we mean that he deserves Praise or Reward. We do not pretend to merit any thing of God, for he is above our Services; and the Benefits he confers on us, are the Effects of his Goodness and Bounty. All our Merit then is with regard to one another, and from one to another. Taking then the Assertion as it last stands, If a Man does me a Service from a natural benevolent Inclination, does he deserve less of me than another who does me the like Kindness against his Inclination? If I have two Journeymen, one naturally industrious, the other idle, but both perform a Days Work equally good, ought I to give the latter the most Wages? Indeed, lazy Workmen are commonly observ'd to be more extravagant in their Demands than the Industrious; for if they have not more for their Work, they cannot live so well: But tho' it be true to a Proverb, _That Lazy Folks take the most Pains_, does it follow that they deserve the most Money? If you were to employ Servants in Affairs of Trust, would you not bid more for one you knew was naturally honest, than for one naturally roguish, but who had lately acted honestly? For Currents whose natural Channel is damm'd up, (till the new Course is by Time worn sufficiently deep and become natural,) are apt to break their Banks. If one Servant is more valuable than another, has he not more Merit than the other? And yet this is not on Account of Superior Self-denial. Is a Patriot not praise-worthy, if Publick Spirit is natural to him? Is a Pacing-Horse less valuable for being a natural Pacer? Nor in my Opinion has any Man less Merit for having in general natural virtuous Inclinations. The Truth is, that Temperance, Justice, Charity, &c. are Virtues, whether practis'd with or against our Inclinations; and the Man who practises them, merits our Love and Esteem: And Self-denial is neither good nor bad, but as 'tis apply'd: He that denies a Vicious Inclination is Virtuous in proportion to his Resolution, but the most perfect Virtue is above all Temptation, such as the Virtue of the Saints in Heaven: And he who does a foolish, indecent or wicked Thing, meerly because 'tis contrary to his Inclination, (like some mad Enthusiasts I have read of, who ran about naked, under the Notion of taking up the Cross) is not practising the reasonable Science of Virtue, but is lunatick. _New-Castle, Feb._ 5. 1734,5. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 18, 1734/5 _A Man of Sense_ _Mr. Franklin,_ `Being the other Day near the Meeting-House Corner with some Gentlemen, in the open Street, I heard the following Piece of Conversation; and penn'd it down as soon as I came home. I am confident it varies scarce any thing from what really passed; and as it pleased the By-standers, it may possibly please the Publick, if you give it a Place in your Paper. `It not being proper to name the Persons discoursing, I shall call one of them _Socrates_, his manner of Arguing being in my Opinion, somewhat like that of _Socrates_: And, if you please, the other may be _Crito_.' _I am Yours,_ &c. A. A. _Socrates._ Who is that well-dress'd Man that passed by just now? _Crito._ He is a Gentleman of this City, esteem'd a _Man of Sense_, but not very honest. _S._ The Appellation of _a Man of Sense _ is of late frequently given, and seems to come naturally into the Character of every Man we are about to praise: But I am at some Loss to know whether a Man who _is not honest_ can deserve it. _C._ Yes, doubtless; There are many vicious Men who are nevertheless Men of very good Sense. _S._ You are of Opinion, perhaps, that a Man of Knowledge is _a Man of Sense_. _C._ I am really of that Opinion. _S._ Is the Knowledge of Push-pin, or of the Game at Ninepins, or of Cards and Dice, or even of Musick and Dancing, sufficient to constitute the Character of a Man of Sense? _C._ No certainly; there are many silly People that understand these Things tolerably well. _S._ Will the Knowledge of Languages, or of Logic and Rhetoric serve to make a Man of Sense. _C._ I think not; for I have known very senseless Fellows to be Masters of two or three Languages; and mighty full of their Logic, or their Rhetoric. _S._ Perhaps some Men may understand all the Forms and Terms of Logic, or all the Figures of Rhetoric, and yet be no more able to convince or to perswade, than others who have not learnt those Things? _C._ Indeed I believe they may. _S._ Will not the Knowledge of the Mathematicks, Astronomy, and Natural Philosophy, those sublime Sciences, give a Right to the Character of _a Man of Sense_. _C._ At first Sight I should have thought they might: But upon Recollection I must own I have known some Men, Masters of those Sciences, who, in the Management of their Affairs, and _Conduct of their Lives_, have acted very weakly, I do not mean viciously but foolishly; and therefore I cannot find in my Heart to allow 'em the Character of _Men of Sense._ _S._ It seems then, that no Knowledge will serve to give this Character, but the Knowledge of our _true Interest_; that is, of what is best to be done in all the Circumstances of Humane Life, in order to arrive at our main End in View, HAPPINESS. _C._ I am of the same Opinion. And now, as to the Point in Hand, I suppose you will no longer doubt whether a vicious Man may deserve the Character of a Man of Sense, since 'tis certain that there are many Men who _know_ their true Interest, &c. and are therefore _Men of Sense_, but are nevertheless vicious and dishonest Men, as appears from the whole Tenour of their Conduct in Life. _S._ Can Vice consist with any Man's true Interest, or contribute to his Happiness. _C._ No certainly; for in Proportion as a Man is vicious he loses the Favour of God and Man, and brings upon himself many Inconveniences, the least of which is capable of marring and demolishing his Happiness. _S._ How then does it appear that those vicious Men have the Knowledge we have been speaking of, which constitutes _a Man of Sense_, since they act directly contrary? _C._ It appears by their Discoursing perfectly well upon the Subjects of Vice and Virtue, when they occur in Conversation, and by the just Manner in which they express their Thoughts of the pernicious Consequences of the one, and the happy Effects of the other. _S._ Is it the Knowledge of all the Terms and Expressions proper to be used in Discoursing well upon the Subject of making a good Shoe, that constitutes a Shoemaker; or is it the Knowing how to go about it and do it? _C._ I own it is the latter, and not the former. _S._ And if one who could only _talk finely_ about Shoe-making, were to be set to work, would he not presently discover his Ignorance in that Art? _C._ He would, I confess. _S._ Can the Man who is only able to talk justly of Virtue and Vice, and to say that "Drunkenness, Gluttony and Lewdness destroy a Man's Constitution; waste his Time and Substance, and bring him under many Misfortunes, (to the Destruction of his Happiness) which the contrary Virtues would enable him to avoid;" but notwithstanding his talking thus, continues in those Vices; can such a Man deserve the Character of a Temperate and Chaste Man? Or does not that Man rather deserve it, who having _a thorough Sense_ that what the other has said is true, _knows_ also _how_ to resist the Temptation to those Vices, and embrace Virtue with a hearty and steady Affection? _C._ The latter, I acknowledge. And since Virtue is really the true Interest of all Men; and some of those who talk well of it, do not put it in Practice, I am now inclined to believe they speak only by rote, retailing to us what they have pick'd out of the Books or Conversation of wise and virtuous Men; but what having never enter'd or made any Impression on their Hearts, has therefore no Influence on the Conduct of their Lives. _S._ Vicious Men, then, do not appear to have that Knowledge which constitutes _the Man of Sense_. _C._ No, I am convinced they do not deserve the Name. However, I am afraid, that instead of _defining_ a Man of Sense we have now entirely _annihilated_ him: For if the Knowlege of his true Interest in all Parts of the Conduct of Life, and a constant Course of Practice agreeable to it, are essential to his Character, I do not know where we shall find him. _S._ There seems no necessity that to be a Man of Sense, he should never make a Slip in the Path of Virtue, or in Point of Morality; provided he is sensible of his Failing and diligently applys himself to rectify what is done amiss, and to prevent the like for the future. The best Arithmetician may err in casting up a long Account; but having found that Error, he _knows how_ to mend it, and immediately does so; and is notwithstanding that Error, an Arithmetician; But he who _always_ blunders, and cannot correct his Faults in Accounting, is no Arithmetician; nor is the habitually-vicious Man _a Man of Sense_. _C._ But methinks 'twill look hard, that all other Arts and Sciences put together, and possess'd by one Man in the greatest Perfection, are not able to dignify him with the Title of _a Man of Sense_, unless he be also a Man of Virtue. _S._ We shall agree, perhaps, that one who is _a Man of Sense_, will not spend his Time in learning such Sciences as, if not useless in themselves, will probably be useless to him? _C._ I grant it. _S._ And of those which may be useful to him, that is, may contribute to his Happiness, he ought, if he is a Man of Sense to know how to make them so. _C._ To be sure. _S._ And of those which may be useful, he will not (if he is a Man of Sense) acquire all, except that One only which is the most useful of all, to wit, the Science of Virtue. _C._ It would, I own, be inconsistent with his Character to do so. _S._ It seems to follow then, that the vicious Man, tho' Master of many Sciences, must needs be an ignorant and foolish Man; for being, as he is vicious, of consequence unhappy, either he has acquired only the useless Sciences, or having acquired such as might be useful, he knows not how to make them contribute to his Happiness; and tho' he may have every other Science, he is ignorant that the SCIENCE OF VIRTUE is of more worth, and of more consequence to his Happiness than all the rest put together. And since he is ignorant of what _principally_ concerns him, tho' it has been told him a thousand Times from Parents, Press, and Pulpit, the Vicious Man however learned, cannot be _a Man of Sense_, but is a Fool, a Dunce, and a Blockhead. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, February 11, 1734/5 _Reply to a Piece of Advice_ _Mr. Franklin,_ In your Paper of the 18th past, some Verses were inserted, said to be design'd as a PIECE OF ADVICE to a good Friend. As this _Piece of Advice_, if it had been intended for a particular Friend alone, might have been as well convey'd to him privately; I suppose the Author by getting it publish'd, thinks it may be of Use to great Numbers of others, in his Friend's Circumstances. The import of it is, "That 'tis mighty silly for a single Man to change his State; for assoon as his Wishes are crown'd, his expected Bliss dissolves into Cares in Bondage, which is a compleat Curse; That only Fools in Life wed, for every Woman is a Tyrant: That he who marries, acts contrary to his Interest, loses his Liberty and his Friends, and will soon perceive himself undone; and that the best of the Sex are no better than a Plague." So ill-natur'd a Thing must have been written, either by some forlorn old Batchelor, or some cast-away Widower, that has got the Knack of drowning all his softer Inclinations in his Bowl or his Bottle. I am grown old and have made abundance of Observations, and I have had three Wives my self; so that from both Experience and Observation I can say, that this Advice is wrong and untrue in every Particular. It is wrong to assert _that tis silly in a single Man to change his State_: For what old Batchelor can die without Regret and Remorse, when he reflects upon his Death-bed, that the inestimable Blessing of Life and Being has been communicated by Father to Son through all Generations from _Adam_ down to him, but in him it stops and is extinguished; and that _the Humane Race divine_ would be no more, for any Thing he has done to continue it; he having, like the wicked Servant, _wrapt up and hid his Talent in a Napkin_, (i. e. his Shirt Tail,) while his Neighbours the Good and Faithful Servants, had some of them produced _Five_ and some _Ten._ I say such an one shall not only die with Regret, but he may justly fear a severe Punishment. Nor is it true that _assoon as a Man weds, his expected Bliss dissolves into slavish Cares and Bondage._ Every Man that is really a Man is Master of his own Family; and it cannot be _Bondage_ to have another submit to one's Government. If there be any Bondage in the Case, 'tis the Woman enters into it, and not the Man. And as to the _Cares_, they are chiefly what attend the bringing up of Children; and I would ask any Man who has experienced it, if they are not the most delightful Cares in the World; and if from that Particular alone, he does not find the _Bliss_ of a double State much greater, instead of being less than he expected. In short this _Bondage_ and these _Cares_ are like the Bondage of having a beautiful and fertile Garden, which a Man takes great Delight in; and the Cares are the Pleasure he finds in cultivating it, and raising as many beautiful and useful Plants from it as he can. And if common Planting and Gardening be an Honourable Employment, (as 'tis generally allow'd, since the greatest Heroes have practic'd it without any Diminution to their Glory) I think _Human Planting_ must be more Honourable, as the Plants to be raised are more excellent in their Nature, and to bring them to Perfection requires the greater Skill and Wisdom. As to the Adviser's next Insinuation, that _only Fools wed, and every Woman is a Tyrant_; 'tis a very severe and undutiful Reflection upon his own Father and Mother; and since he is most likely to know best the Affairs of his own Family, I shall not contradict him in that particular, so far as relates to his own Relations: for perhaps his Aversion to a Wife arises from observing how his Mamma treated his Daddy; for she might be a _Xantippe_ tho' he was no _Socrates_; it being probable that a wise Man would have instill'd sounder Principles into his Son. But in general I utterly dissent from him, and declare, that I scarce ever knew a Man who knew how to command in a proper Manner, but his Wife knew as well how to show a becoming Obedience. And there are in the World infinitely more He-Tyrants than She-Ones. In the next Place he insinuates, that _a Man by marrying, acts contrary to his Interest, loses his Liberty and his Friends, and soon finds himself undone_. In which he is as much mistaken as in any of the rest. A Man does not act contrary to his Interest by Marrying; for I and Thousands more know very well that we could never thrive till we were married; and have done well ever since; What we get, the Women save; a Man being fixt in Life minds his Business better and more steadily; and he that cannot thrive married, could never have throve better single; for the Idleness and Negligence of Men is more frequently fatal to Families, than the Extravagance of Women. Nor does a Man _lose his Liberty_ but encrease it; for when he has no Wife to take Care of his Affairs at Home, if he carries on any Business there, he cannot go Abroad without a Detriment to that; but having a Wife, that he can confide in, he may with much more Freedom be abroad, and for a longer Time; thus the Business goes on comfortably, and the good Couple relieve one another by turns, like a faithful Pair of Doves. Nor does he _lose Friends_ but gain them, by prudently marrying; for there are all the Woman's Relations added to his own, ready to assist and encourage the new-married Couple; and a Man that has a Wife and Children, is sooner trusted in Business, and can have Credit longer and for larger Sums than if he was single, inasmuch as he is look'd upon to be more firmly settled, and under greater Obligations to behave honestly, for his Family's Sake. I have almost done with our _Adviser_, for he says but one thing more; to wit, _that the best of the Sex are no better than Plagues._ Very hard again upon his poor Mother, who tho' she might be the best Woman in the World, was, it seems, in her graceless Son's Opinion, no better than a Pestilence. Certainly this Versifyer never knew what a Woman is! He must be, as I conjectur'd at first, some forlorn old Batchelor. And if I could conjure, I believe I should discover, that his Case is like that of many other old He-Maids I have heard of. Such senseless Advice as this can have no Effect upon them; 'tis nothing like this, that deters them from marrying. But having in some of their first Attempts upon the kinder Sort of the Fair Sex, come off with Shame and Disgrace, they persuade themselves that they are, (and perhaps they are) really Impotent: And so durst not marry, for fear of those dishonourable Decorations of the Head, which they think it the inevitable Fate of a Fumbler to wear. Then, like the Fox who could not use his Tail, (but the Fox had really lost it) they set up for _Advisers_, as the Gentleman I have been dealing with; and would fain persuade others, that the Use of their own Tails is more mischievous than beneficial. But I shall leave him to Repentance; and endeavour to make the Reader some Amends for my Scribble, by adding the following Verses from the two best English Poets that ever were; only hinting, that by the first two Lines 'tis plain from whence our Poetical Adviser had his Inspiration. Our Maker bids increase; who bids abstain, But our _Destroyer_, foe to GOD and Man? Hail wedded Love! mysterious Law, true source Of human Offspring, sole propriety In Paradise! of all Things common else. By thee adult'rous Lust was driv'n from Men, Among the bestial Herds to range; by thee, (Founded in Reason, loyal, just, and pure) Relations dear, and all the Charities Of Father, Son, and Brother, first were known. Perpetual Fountain of domestic Sweets! Whose Bed is undefil'd, and chaste, pronounc'd. Here, Love his golden shafts employs; here lights His constant Lamp; and waves his purple Wings; Reigns here, and revels: not in the bought smile Of harlots; loveless, joyless, un-endear'd; Casual fruition! _Milton_. BUT happy they! the happiest of their Kind! Whom gentler Stars unite, and in one Fate Their Hearts, their Fortunes, and their Beings blend. 'Tis not the courser Tie of human Laws, Unnatural oft, and foreign to the Mind, Which binds their Peace, but Harmony itself, Attuning all their Passions into Love; Where Friendship full-exerts his softest Power, Perfect Esteem enliven'd by Desire Ineffable, and Sympathy of Soul, Thought meeting Thought, and Will preventing Will, With boundless Confidence; for nought but Love Can answer Love, and render Bliss secure. ------ those whom Love cements, in holy Faith, And equal Transport, free as Nature, live, Disdaining Fear; for what's the World to them, It's Pomp, it's Pleasure, and it's Nonsense all! Who in each other clasp whatever fair High Fancy forms, and lavish Heart can wish, Something than Beauty dearer, should they look Or on the Mind, or mind-illumin'd Face; Truth, Goodness, Honour, Harmony and Love, The richest Bounty of indulgent _Heaven_. Mean-time a smiling Offspring rises round, And mingles both their Graces. By degrees, The human Blossom blows; and every Day, Soft as it rolls along, shows some new Charm, The Father's Lustre, and the Mother's Bloom. Then infant Reason grows apace, and calls For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care; Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought, To teach the young Idea how to shoot, To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind, To breathe th' inspiring Spirit, and to plant The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast. Oh speak the Joy! You, whom the sudden Tear Surprizes often, while you look around, And nothing strikes your Eye but Sights of Bliss, All various Nature pressing on the Heart, Obedient Fortune, and approving _Heaven._ These are the Blessings of diviner Love; And thus their Moments fly; the _Seasons_ thus, As ceaseless round a jarring World they roll, Still find them happy; and consenting SPRING Sheds her own rosy Garland on their Head: Till Evening comes at last, cool, gentle, calm; When after the long vernal Day of Life, Enamour'd more, as Soul approaches Soul, Together, down they sink in social Sleep. _Thomson_. _I am, Sir, _Your most humble Servant_, A. A. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 4, 1734/5 _On a Pertinacious Obstinacy in Opinion_ As a _pertinacious Obstinacy_ in Opinion, and confident _Self-Sufficiency_, is possibly one of the greatest Vices, as well as Weaknesses, that the human Mind is capable of; so on the contrary a Readiness to give up a _loved Opinion_, upon due Conviction, is as great a Glory, as well as Happiness, as we are here capable of attaining: For as _Solomon_ justly observes, a _wise Man_ feareth; he, conscious of his own Imperfections, and sensible of the numberless Mistakes and Errors we are here subject and liable to, submits to the Dictates of Truth and Wisdom, where-ever he finds them, and thereby avoids the Evil, and attains the Glory. But the _Fool_, the self-sufficient Man, who proudly arrogates all Knowledge and Science to himself, rageth at Contradiction, and will not suffer his Knowledge to be questioned; what wonder is it then, if he _fall into Evil_ when he is thus _confident_? It is a just Observation, that a love of Truth and Goodness is not more essential to an honest Man than a Readiness to change his Mind and Practice, upon Conviction that he is in the wrong: And indeed, these two are inseparably connected in our present fallible Condition; possibly those who are arrived at a better State, may get clear of all their Mistakes, as well as their ill Habits immediately, and yet be capable of an endless Improvement in Knowledge, by having their Minds extended still to discover further Objects and new Relations of Things which they had no Notions of before. Upon this Supposition they may receive continual Additions to their Store, and yet have no Occasion to change their former Sentiments, because they were right as far as they went: But I am sure in this Life we find frequent Reason _to give up mistaken Opinions_, as well as to take in additional Light. We cannot but perceive ourselves liable to innumerable Errors, even when we are most careful to avoid them, either from our Ignorance in the Nature of Things, or in the Use and Meaning of Words. We take up Opinions, or engage in Parties, thro' the influence of Education, Friendship, and Alliances, or in the Heat of Opposition and Prejudice, which cannot be maintained upon more exact Enquiries, or in cool impartial Thoughts. _Prevailing Opinions_ insensibly gain the Possession of our Minds, and have commonly the Advantage of being Firstcomers: and yet are very often no better than _prevailing Falshoods_, directly the Reverse of Truth. We are all apt to be misled, where the Safety of our Interest, or Peace with our Neighbours appear to depend upon a particular Sett of Principles, or upon falling in with a Party. A Man can hardly forbear wishing those Things to be true and right, which he apprehends would be for his Conveniency to find so: And many Perswasions, when they are looked into, plainly appear to have no better a Foundation. It must therefore be highly reasonable, to examine our Sentiments, and always to _lie open to Conviction_ and farther Light upon better Consideration of a Case, and to be willing to profit by the Diligence and Enquiries, as well of other Men, as ourselves. Without this, _Reason_ would be given us in vain, _Study_ and _Converse_ wou'd be useless and unprofitable Things. It would be much happier for us to have no Advantages for better Instruction, or no Capacity to improve by them, if we must necessarily be staked down to those Apprehensions of Things, either in _Religion_ or _Politicks_, which we have happened to light upon. That Man only, who is ready to change his Mind upon proper Conviction, is in the Way to come at the Knowledge of Truth. He who is neither _ashamed_ of his own Ignorance, nor _unwilling_ to receive Help from any Quarter towards the better Information of his Mind, or _afraid_ to discard an old and _favoured_ Opinion, upon better Evidence; he, I say, will find Truth kindly open before him, and freely offer it self to him: He will be surprized with the noble Pleasure of a new Discovery, and his Knowledge will be always progressive as long as he lives. But a Man _tenacious_ of his _first Thoughts_ is necessarily concluded in Error, if ever he happens to mistake: For when People once arrive to an Opinion of Infallibility, they can never grow wiser than they already are. It is an Argument indeed of _Levity_ and _Weakness_ of Mind, to change our Opinion upon every slight Appearance, or to give it up to the Authority of others: But it argues a _real Greatness_ of Soul, to have always a regard for Truth, superiour to every other Consideration, and to feel an undissembled Pleasure upon the Discovery of it. If Truth is _Divine_ and _Eternal_, 'tis the natural Homage of a Reasonable Mind to yield to its powerful Light, and embrace its lovely Form wherever it appears; 'tis _Superstition_ to be fond of an old Opinion not supported by it; It is _Idolatry_ to adore the Image and false Appearance of it: But it is open _Prophaness_, to neglect and contemn it. The only acceptable Sacrifice here, is that of our _darling Prejudice_, and the Offering of an upright Mind is like the Perfume of Incense. But a sincere and hearty Lover of Truth will not content himself with a meer Change of his Sentiments upon Conviction, concealed within his own Breast; but will ingenuously acknowledge his Mistake, as freely and as publickly as he avowed it. The same Frankness and Sincerity which make me declare myself of one Opinion at one Time, will oblige me to declare myself of another afterwards, if my Sentiments are really altered. We owe this Justice to Mankind as well as Truth. VERIDICUS. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, March 27, 1735 _Dialogue Between Two Presbyterians_ Mr. FRANKLIN, _You are desired by several of your Readers to print the following_ DIALOGUE. _It is between Two of the Presbyterian Meeting in this City. We cannot tell whether it may not be contrary to your Sentiments, but hope, if it should, you will not refuse publishing it on that Account: nor shall we be offended if you print any thing in Answer to it._ We are yours, _&c._ A.B.C.D. _S._ Good Morrow! I am glad to find you well and abroad; for not having seen you at Meeting lately, I concluded you were indispos'd. T. _Tis true I have not been much at Meeting lately, but that was not occasion'd by any Indisposition. In short, I stay at home, or else go to Church, because I do not like Mr._ H. _your new-fangled Preacher._ _S._ I am sorry we should differ in Opinion upon any Account; but let us reason the Point calmly; what Offence does Mr. _H._ give you? T. _Tis his Preaching disturbs me: He talks of nothing but the Duties of Morality: I do not love to hear so much of Morality: I am sure it will carry no Man to Heaven, and I do not think it fit to be preached in a Christian Congregation_. _S._ I suppose you think no Doctrine fit to be preached in a Christian Congregation, but such as Christ and his Apostles used to preach. T. _To be sure I think so_. _S._ I do not conceive then how you can dislike the Preaching of Morality, when you consider, that Morality made the principal Part of their Preaching as well as of Mr. _H_'s. What is Christ's Sermon on the Mount but an excellent moral Discourse, towards the End of which, (as foreseeing that People might in time come to depend more upon their _Faith_ in him, than upon _Good Works_, for their Salvation) he tells the Hearers plainly, that their saying to him, _Lord, Lord_, (that is, professing themselves his Disciples or _Christians_) should give them no Title to Salvation, but their _Doing_ the Will of his Father; and that tho' they have prophesied in his Name, yet he will declare to them, as Neglecters of Morality, that he never knew them. T. _But what do you understand by that Expression of Christ's,_ Doing the Will of my Father. _S._ I understand it to be the Will of God, that we should live virtuous, upright, and good-doing Lives; as the Prophet understood it, when he said, _What doth the Lord require of thee, O Man, but to do justly, love Mercy, and walk humbly with the Lord thy God._ T. _But is not Faith recommended in the New Testament as well as Morality?_ _S._ Tis true, it is. Faith is recommended as a Means of producing Morality: Our Saviour was a Teacher of Morality or Virtue, and they that were deficient and desired to be taught, ought first to _believe_ in him as an able and faithful Teacher. Thus Faith would be a Means of producing Morality, and Morality of Salvation. But that from such Faith alone Salvation may be expected, appears to me to be neither a Christian Doctrine nor a reasonable one. And I should as soon expect, that my bare Believing Mr. _Grew_ to be an excellent Teacher of the Mathematicks, would make me a Mathematician, as that Believing in Christ would of it self make a Man a Christian. T. _Perhaps you may think, that tho' Faith alone cannot save a Man, Morality or Virtue alone, may._ _S._ Morality or Virtue is the End, Faith only a Means to obtain that End: And if the End be obtained, it is no matter by what Means. What think you of these Sayings of Christ, when he was reproached for conversing chiefly with gross Sinners, _The whole,_ says he, _need not a Physician, but they that are sick;_ and, _I come not to call the Righteous, but Sinners, to Repentance:_ Does not this imply, that there were good Men, who, without Faith in him, were in a State of Salvation? And moreover, did he not say of _Nathanael_, while he was yet an Unbeliever in him, and thought no Good could possibly come out of Nazareth, _Behold an Israelite indeed, in whom there is no Guile!_ that is, _behold a virtuous upright Man._ Faith in Christ, however, may be and is of great Use to produce a good Life, but that it can conduce nothing towards Salvation where it does not conduce to Virtue, is, I suppose, plain from the Instance of the Devils, who are far from being Infidels, _they believe_, says the Scripture, _and tremble._ There were some indeed, even in the Apostles' Days, that set a great Value upon Faith, distinct from Good Works, they meerly idolized it, and thought that a Man ever so righteous could not be saved without it: But one of the Apostles, to show his Dislike of such Notions, tells them, that not only those heinous Sins of Theft, Murder, and Blasphemy, but even _Idleness_, or the Neglect of a Man's Business, was more pernicious than meer harmless Infidelity, _He that neglects to provide for them of his own House,_ says he, _is WORSE than an Infidel._ St. _James_, in his second Chapter, is very zealous against these Cryers-up of Faith, and maintains that Faith without Virtue is useless, _Wilt thou know, O vain Man,_ says he, _that Faith without Works is dead;_ and, _shew me your Faith without your Works, and I will shew you mine by my Works_. Our Saviour, when describing the last Judgment, and declaring what shall give Admission into Bliss, or exclude from it, says nothing of _Faith_ but what he says against it, that is, that those who cry _Lord, Lord_, and profess to have _believed_ in his Name, have no Favour to expect on that Account; but declares that 'tis the Practice, or the omitting the Practice of the Duties of Morality, _Feeding the Hungry, cloathing the Naked, visiting the Sick,_ &c. in short, 'tis the Doing or not Doing all the Good that lies in our Power, that will render us the Heirs of Happiness or Misery. T. _But if Faith is of great Use to produce a good Life, why does not Mr._ H. _preach up Faith as well as Morality? _S._ Perhaps it may be this, that as the good Physician suits his Physick to the Disease he finds in the Patient, so Mr. _H_. may possibly think, that though Faith in Christ be properly first preach'd to Heathens and such as are ignorant of the Gospel, yet since he knows that we have been baptized in the Name of Christ, and educated in his Religion, and call'd after his Name, it may not be so immediately necessary to preach _Faith_ to us who abound in it, as _Morality_ in which we are evidently deficient: For our late Want of Charity to each other, our Heart-burnings and Bickerings are notorious. St. _James_ says, _Where Envying and Strife is, there is Confusion and every evil Work:_ and where Confusion and every evil Work is, _Morality_ and Good-will to Men, can, I think, be no unsuitable Doctrine. But surely _Morality_ can do us no harm. Upon a Supposition that we all have Faith in Christ already, as I think we have, where can be the Damage of being exhorted to Good Works? Is Virtue Heresy; and Universal Benevolence False Doctrine, that any of us should keep away from Meeting because it is preached there. T. _Well, I do not like it, and I hope we shall not long be troubled with it. A Commission of the Synod will sit in a short Time, and try this Sort of Preaching. _S._ I am glad to hear that the Synod are to take it into Consideration. There are Men of unquestionable Good Sense as well as Piety among them, and I doubt not but they will, by their Decision, deliver our Profession from the satyrical Reflection, which a few uneasy People of our Congregation have of late given Occasion for, _to wit_, That the _Presbyterians_ are going to persecute, silence and condemn a good Preacher, for exhorting them to be honest and charitable to one another and the rest of Mankind. T. _If Mr._ H. _is a Presbyterian Teacher, he ought to preach as Presbyterians use to preach; or else he may justly be condemn'd and silenc'd by our Church Authority. We ought to abide by the_ Westminster _Confession of Faith; and he that does not, ought not to preach in our Meetings._ _S._ The Apostacy of the Church from the primitive Simplicity of the Gospel, came on by Degrees; and do you think that the Reformation was of a sudden perfect, and that the first Reformers knew at once all that was right or wrong in Religion? Did not _Luther_ at first preach only against selling of Pardons, allowing all the other Practices of the _Romish_ Church for good. He afterwards went further, and _Calvin_, some think, yet further. The Church of _England_ made a Stop, and fix'd her Faith and Doctrine by 39 Articles; with which the Presbyterians not satisfied, went yet farther; but being too self-confident to think, that as their Fathers were mistaken in some Things, they also might be in some others; and fancying themselves infallible in _their_ Interpretations, they also ty'd themselves down by the _Westminster Confession_. But has not a Synod that meets in King GEORGE the Second's Reign, as much Right to interpret Scripture, as one that met in _Oliver_'s Time? And if any Doctrine then maintain'd, is, or shall hereafter be found not altogether orthodox, why must we be for ever confin'd to that, or to any, _Confession_? T. _But if the Majority of the Synod be against any Innovation, they may justly hinder the Innovator from Preaching._ _S._ That is as much as to say, if the Majority of the Preachers be in the wrong, they may justly hinder any Man from setting the People right; for a _Majority_ may be in the wrong as well as the _Minority_, and frequently are. In the beginning of the Reformation, the _Majority_ was vastly against the Reformers, and continues so to this Day; and, if, according to your Opinion, they had a Right to silence the _Minority_, I am sure the _Minority_ ought to have been silent. But tell me, if the _Presbyterians_ in this Country, being charitably enclin'd, should send a Missionary into _Turky_, to propagate the Gospel, would it not be unreasonable in the _Turks_ to prohibit his Preaching? T. _It would, to be sure, because he comes to them for their good._ _S._ And if the _Turks_, believing us in the wrong, as we think them, should out of the same charitable Disposition, send a Missionary to preach _Mahometanism_ to us, ought we not in the same manner to give him free Liberty of preaching his Doctrine? T. _It may be so; but what would you infer from that?_ _S._ I would only infer, that if it would be thought reasonable to suffer a _Turk_ to preach among us a Doctrine diametrically opposite to _Christianity_, it cannot be reasonable to silence one of our own Preachers, for preaching a Doctrine exactly agreeable to _Christianity_, only because he does not perhaps zealously propagate all the Doctrines of an old _Confession_. And upon the whole, though the _Majority_ of the Synod should not in all respects approve of Mr. _H_'s Doctrine, I do not however think they will find it proper to condemn him. We have justly deny'd the Infallibility of the _Pope_ and his _Councils_ and _Synods_ in their Interpretations of Scripture, and can we modestly claim _Infallibility_ for our selves or our _Synods_ in our way of Interpreting? Peace, Unity and Virtue in any Church are more to be regarded than Orthodoxy. In the present weak State of humane Nature, surrounded as we are on all sides with Ignorance and Error, it little becomes poor fallible Man to be positive and dogmatical in his Opinions. No Point of Faith is so plain, as that _Morality_ is our Duty, for all Sides agree in that. A virtuous Heretick shall be saved before a wicked Christian: for there is no such Thing as voluntary Error. Therefore, since 'tis an Uncertainty till we get to Heaven what true Orthodoxy in all points is, and since our Congregation is rather too small to be divided, I hope this Misunderstanding will soon be got over, and that we shall as heretofore unite again in mutual _Christian Charity._ T. _I wish we may. I'll consider of what you've said, and wish you well. _S._ Farewell. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 10, 1735 _Women's Court_ We hear from Chester County, that last Week at a Vendue held there, a Man being unreasonably abusive to his Wife upon some trifling Occasion, the Women form'd themselves into a Court, and order'd him to be apprehended by their Officers and brought to Tryal: Being found guilty he was condemn'd to be duck'd 3 times in a neighbouring Pond, and to have one half cut off, of his Hair and Beard (which it seems he wore at full length) and the Sentence was accordingly executed, to the great Diversion of the Spectators. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 17, 1735 _Advice to a Pretty Creature and Replies_ Mr. _Franklin_, "Pray let the prettiest Creature in this Place know, (by publishing this) That if it was not for her Affectation, she would be absolutely irresistible." _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 20, 1735 _The little Epistle in our last, has produced no less than six, which follow in the order we receiv'd 'em._ Mr. _Franklin_, `I cannot conceive who your Correspondent means by _the prettiest Creature_ in this Place; but I can assure either him or her, that she who is truly so, has no Affectation at all.' _SIR,_ `Since your last Week's Paper I have look'd in my Glass a thousand Times, I believe, in one Day; and if it was not for the Charge of Affectation I might, without Partiality, believe myself the Person meant.' Mr. _Franklin_, `I must own that several have told me, I am the prettiest Creature in this Place; but I believe I shou'd not have been tax'd with Affectation if I cou'd have thought as well of them as they do of themselves.' _SIR,_ `Your Sex calls me pretty; my own affected. Is it from Judgment in the one, or Envy in the other?' Mr. _Franklin_, `They that call me affected are greatly mistaken; for I don't know that I ever refus'd a Kiss to any Body but a Fool.' _Friend Benjamin,_ `I am not at all displeased at being charged with Affectation. Thou know'st the vain People call Decency of Behaviour by that Name.' _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 27, 1735 _A Sea Monster_ From Bermuda, they write, that a Sea Monster has been lately seen there, the upper part of whose Body was in the Shape and about the Bigness of a Boy of 12 Years old, with long black Hair; the lower Part resembled a Fish. He was first seen on shore, and taking to the Water, was pursu'd by People in a Boat, who intended to strike him with a Fishgig; but approaching him, the human Likeness surpris'd them into Compassion, and they had not the Power to do it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 29, 1736 _The Art of Saying Little in Much_ _Amplification_, or the Art of saying _Little in Much_, seems to be principally studied by the Gentlemen Retainers to the Law. 'Tis highly useful when they are to speak at the Bar; for by its Help, they talk a great while, and appear to say a great deal, when they have really very little to say. But 'tis principally us'd in Deeds and every thing they write. You must abridge their Performances to understand them; and when you find how little there is in a Writing of vast Bulk, you will be as much surpriz'd as a Stranger at the Opening of a _Pumpkin_. It is said, that in the Reign of _William_ the Conqueror, the Conveyance of a large Estate, might be made in about half a dozen short Lines; which was nevertheless in every Respect sufficiently authentick. For several Hundred Years past, Conveyances and Writings in the Law have been continually encreasing in Bulk, and when they will come to their full Growth, no Man knows: For the Rule, _That every thing past and present ought to be express'd, and every thing future provided for_, (tho' one would think a large Writing might be made by it) does not serve to confine us at present; since all those things are not only to be express'd, but may (by the Modern License) be express'd by all the _different Words_ we can think of. Probably the Invention of Printing, which took from the Scribes great Part of their former Employment, put them on the Contrivance of making up by a Multitude of Words, what they wanted in real Business; hence the plain and strong Expression, _shall be his own_, is now swoln into, _shall and may at all Times hereafter forever, and so from time to time, freely, quietly and peaceably, have, hold and enjoy, &c_. The Lawyer, in one of _Steele_'s Comedies, instructs his Pupil, that _Tautology_ is the first, second, and third Parts of his Profession, that is to say, _the whole of it_: And adds, _That he hopes to see the Time, when it will require as much Parchment to convey a Piece of Land as will cover it_. That time perhaps is not far off: For I am told, that the Deeds belonging to the Title of some small Lotts, (which have gone thro' several Hands) are nearly sufficient for the Purpose. But of all the Writings I have ever seen, for the Multiplicity, Variety, Particularity, and prodigious Flow of Expression, none come up to the Petition of _Dermond O Folivey_, an Attorney of the Kingdom of _Ireland_: As the Petition is curious in itself, and may serve as a Precedent for young Clerks, when they would acquire a proper Stile in their Performances, I shall give it to the Publick entire, as follows. To the Right Honourable _Sir William Asten_, Knight, and Lord Judge of Assize of the _Munster_ Circuit. _The humble_ Petition _of_ Dermond O Folivey _a well and most accomplished Gentleman_. `Most humbly, and most submissively, and most obediently, and most dutifully, by shewing, and expressing, and declaring to your Lordship, that whereby, and whereas, and wherein, the most major, and most greater, and most bigger, and the most stronger Part of the most best, and the most ablest, and the most mightiest Sort of the People of the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_, finding, and knowing, and certifying themselves, both hereafter, and the Time past, and now, and then, and at the present time, to be very much oppressed, and distressed, and overcharged in all Taxes, and Quit-rents, and other Levies, and accidental Applotments, and Collections, and Gatherings-together in the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_ aforesaid, And for the future Prevention of all, and every such, henceforth, hereafter, heretofore, and for the time to come, and now, and then, and at this time, and forever, the aforesaid most major, and most bigger, and most better, and most stronger Part of the most best, and most ablest, and most mightiest Sort of the People of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_ aforesaid, HATH appointed, nominated, constituted, ordained, declared, elected, and made me Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ to solicite, and make mention to your Lordship, looking upon me now, and then, and there, and here, the said Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, to be the fittest, the most mightiest, and the most ablest, and the most best, and the most accomplished, and the most eloquentest Spokesman within the said Barony and County, their granded, and well beloved, and well bestowed, and better merited Agent and Sollicitor, to represent Oppression, and Suppression, and Extortion, for all such, and for all much, and whereof, and whereby, and whereupon, your Petitioner fairly, and finely, and honestly, and ingeniously, and deservedly appointed, nominated, constituted, and ordained, and elected, and approved, and made choice of me the said Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ as an Agent and Sollicitor, to undergo, and overgo, and under-run, and over-run, and manage this much, big, and mighty Service. `These are therefore to will, and to shall be, now, and then, and there, and at this time, and at the time past, and heretofore, and formerly, and at the present, and forever, the humble, and special, and important, and mighty, and irrefatigable Request of me, your Petitioner and Sollicitor-General aforesaid; THAT your Lordship will be pleased, and satisfied, and resolved, to grant, and give, and deliver, and bestow, upon me Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, your before recited, and nominated Petitioner and Sollicitor-General aforesaid, an Order and Judgment, and Warrant, and Authority of Preference to my Lord _Kerry_, and Mr. _Henry Punceby_, Esq; and Justice of the Peace and Quorum, or to any four or five or more or less, or either or neither of them, now, and then, and there, and here, and any where, and every where, and somewhere, and no-where, to call and bring, and fetch, and carry, before him, or them, or either of them, or neither, or both, such Party or Parties as they shall imagine, and conceive, and consider, and suppose, and assent, and esteem, and think fit, and meet, and necessary, and decent, and convenient, all, and every, and either, or neither of them, to call, to examine, and call to a strict Account; and that Part, and most Part, Extortion; and then, and there, when, and where, and whether, to establish, and elect, and direct, and impower, and authorize all such, and all much, Bailiffs, and under Receivers, and Collectors and Gatherers-together of Money, as your Petitioner did, or do, or have, or had, or shall, or will, or may, or might, or should, or could, or ought to chuse, or pitch upon with, and punctually to desire my self Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_ that they, them, and these, and every, and either, and neither of them, that shall, and did, and have, and do, and will him in Peace, and Unity, and Amity, and Concord, and Tranquility, henceforth, and for the time to come, and hereafter, and for the time past, and not past, and the time present, and now, and for everlasting; and especially not to molest, or trouble, or hinder, or disturb, or hurt, or meddle with the Petitioner, my self, Mr. _Dermond O Folivey_, in his Possession of 72 Acres of Land in _Gertogolinmore_ in the Barony of _Torrough_ and County of _Kerry_.' Mr. _Dermond O Folivey._ _Given, and granted, and dated, and signed, and sealed by my own Hand and with my own Hand, and for my own Hand, and under my own Hand and Seal this -- Day of -- Anno Dom_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 17, 1736 _The Drinker's Dictionary_ _Nothing more like a Fool than a drunken Man_. Poor Richard. 'Tis an old Remark, that Vice always endeavours to assume the Appearance of Virtue: Thus Covetousness calls itself _Prudence_; _Prodigality_ would be thought _Generosity_; and so of others. This perhaps arises hence, that Mankind naturally and universally approve Virtue in their Hearts, and detest Vice; and therefore, whenever thro' Temptation they fall into a Practice of the latter, they would if possible conceal it from themselves as well as others, under some other Name than that which properly belongs to it. But DRUNKENNESS is a very unfortunate Vice in this respect. It bears no kind of Similitude with any sort of Virtue, from which it might possibly borrow a Name; and is therefore reduc'd to the wretched Necessity of being express'd by distant round-about Phrases, and of perpetually varying those Phrases, as often as they come to be well understood to signify plainly that A MAN IS DRUNK. Tho' every one may possibly recollect a Dozen at least of the Expressions us'd on this Occasion, yet I think no one who has not much frequented Taverns would imagine the number of them so great as it really is. It may therefore surprize as well as divert the sober Reader, to have the Sight of a new Piece, lately communicated to me, entitled The DRINKERS DICTIONARY. A He is Addled, He's casting up his Accounts, He's Afflicted, He's in his Airs. B He's Biggy, Bewitch'd, Block and Block, Boozy, Bowz'd, Been at Barbadoes, Piss'd in the Brook, Drunk as a Wheel-Barrow, Burdock'd, Buskey, Buzzey, Has Stole a Manchet out of the Brewer's Basket, His Head is full of Bees, Has been in the Bibbing Plot, Has drank more than he has bled, He's Bungey, As Drunk as a Beggar, He sees the Bears, He's kiss'd black Betty, He's had a Thump over the Head with Sampson's Jawbone, He's Bridgey. C He's Cat, Cagrin'd, Capable, Cramp'd, Cherubimical, Cherry Merry, Wamble Crop'd, Crack'd, Concern'd, Half Way to Concord, Has taken a Chirriping-Glass, Got Corns in his Head, A Cup to much, Coguy, Copey, He's heat his Copper, He's Crocus, Catch'd, He cuts his Capers, He's been in the Cellar, He's in his Cups, Non Compos, Cock'd, Curv'd, Cut, Chipper, Chickery, Loaded his Cart, He's been too free with the Creature, Sir Richard has taken off his Considering Cap, He's Chap-fallen, D He's Disguiz'd, He's got a Dish, Kill'd his Dog, Took his Drops, It is a Dark Day with him, He's a Dead Man, Has Dipp'd his Bill, He's Dagg'd, He's seen the Devil, E He's Prince Eugene, Enter'd, Wet both Eyes, Cock Ey'd, Got the Pole Evil, Got a brass Eye, Made an Example, He's Eat a Toad & half for Breakfast. In his Element, F He's Fishey, Fox'd, Fuddled, Sore Footed, Frozen, Well in for't, Owes no Man a Farthing, Fears no Man, Crump Footed, Been to France, Flush'd, Froze his Mouth, Fetter'd, Been to a Funeral, His Flag is out, Fuzl'd, Spoke with his Friend, Been at an Indian Feast. G He's Glad, Groatable, Gold-headed, Glaiz'd, Generous, Booz'd the Gage, As Dizzy as a Goose, Been before George, Got the Gout, Had a Kick in the Guts, Been with Sir John Goa, Been at Geneva, Globular, Got the Glanders. H Half and Half, Hardy, Top Heavy, Got by the Head, Hiddey, Got on his little Hat, Hammerish, Loose in the Hilts, Knows not the way Home, Got the Hornson, Haunted with Evil Spirits, Has Taken Hippocrates grand Elixir, I He's Intoxicated, Jolly, Jagg'd, Jambled, Going to Jerusalem, Jocular, Been to Jerico, Juicy. K He's a King, Clips the King's English, Seen the French King, The King is his Cousin, Got Kib'd Heels, Knapt, Het his Kettle. L He's in Liquor, Lordly, He makes Indentures with his Leggs, Well to Live, Light, Lappy, Limber, M He sees two Moons, Merry, Middling, Moon-Ey'd, Muddled, Seen a Flock of Moons, Maudlin, Mountous, Muddy, Rais'd his Monuments, Mellow, N He's eat the Cocoa Nut, Nimptopsical, Got the Night Mare, O He's Oil'd, Eat Opium, Smelt of an Onion, Oxycrocium, Overset, P He drank till he gave up his Half-Penny, Pidgeon Ey'd, Pungey, Priddy, As good conditioned as a Puppy, Has scalt his Head Pan, Been among the Philistines, In his Prosperity, He's been among the Philippians, He's contending with Pharaoh, Wasted his Paunch, He's Polite, Eat a Pudding Bagg, Q He's Quarrelsome, R He's Rocky, Raddled, Rich, Religious, Lost his Rudder, Ragged, Rais'd, Been too free with Sir Richard, Like a Rat in Trouble. S He's Stitch'd, Seafaring, In the Sudds, Strong, Been in the Sun, As Drunk as David's Sow, Swampt, His Skin is full, He's Steady, He's Stiff, He's burnt his Shoulder, He's got his Top Gallant Sails out, Seen the yellow Star, As Stiff as a Ring-bolt, Half Seas over, His Shoe pinches him, Staggerish, It is Star-light with him, He carries too much Sail, Stew'd Stubb'd, Soak'd, Soft, Been too free with Sir John Strawberry, He's right before the Wind with all his Studding Sails out, Has Sold his Senses. T He's Top'd, Tongue-ty'd, Tann'd, Tipium Grove, Double Tongu'd, Topsy Turvey, Tipsey, Has Swallow'd a Tavern Token, He's Thaw'd, He's in a Trance, He's Trammel'd, V He makes Virginia Fence, Valiant, Got the Indian Vapours, W The Malt is above the Water, He's Wise, He's Wet, He's been to the Salt Water, He's Water-soaken, He's very Weary, Out of the Way. The Phrases in this Dictionary are not (like most of our Terms of Art) borrow'd from Foreign Languages, neither are they collected from the Writings of the Learned in our own, but gather'd wholly from the modern Tavern-Conversation of Tiplers. I do not doubt but that there are many more in use; and I was even tempted to add a new one my self under the Letter B, to wit, _Brutify'd_: But upon Consideration, I fear'd being guilty of Injustice to the Brute Creation, if I represented Drunkenness as a beastly Vice, since, 'tis well-known, that the Brutes are in general a very sober sort of People. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 13, 1736/7 _Captain Farra_ The same Day arrived Capt.Farra, who has long been given over for lost. In his Voyage from Jamaica hither, he was cast away in Palachee Bay within Cape Florida, among the Cannibal Indians, who were extreamly kind and assisted in saving the Cargo, Rigging, &c. And News of the Wreck coming to Augustine, the Spaniards sent Periagua's and other small Vessels round to take in what was sav'd, and bring it to that Port; where Capt. Farra hir'd a Rhode-Island Sloop to bring it hither. Had this English Vessel been forc'd ashore on the civil, polite, hospitable, christian, protestant Coast of Great-Britain, Query, _Might they have expected kinder Treatment from their own Countrymen?_ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 2, 1737 _Upon the Talents Requisite in an Almanack-Writer_ _To the Author of the_ Pennsylvania Gazette. _SIR,_ As I am a great Lover of all Works of Ingenuity, and the Authors of them, so more especially am I a great Reader and Admirer of those _Labours of the Learned_, called _ALMANACKS._ As I am a considerable Proficient in this Sort of Learning; and as at this time of the Year, Copies of Almanacks for the next Year usually come to the Press, long before they are wanted: And as I have laid out many a Six-pence among your Customers, the Profit whereof has in a great Measure redounded to you: So I may reasonably hope to be look'd on as a good Customer, and claim a favourable Place in your Paper. I have a large Volume in Manuscript by me, on the Important Subject of _Almanack-making_, which I may in time communicate to the Publick; but at present I am willing to oblige them, with only a Taste of my Skill, which (if I have any Title to the Art of Prognostication) will certainly make them long for the whole. My present Design, is to give to you and the Publick, _a short Essay_, upon the Talents requisite in _an Almanack-Writer_, by which it will plainly appear, how much the Community is indebted to Men of such _great and uncommon Parts and Sagacity_. An _Almanack-Writer_, Sir, should be born one like a Poet; for as I read among the Works of the learned, _Poeta nascitur non fit_; so it is a Maxim with me, that _Almanackorum scriptor nascitur not fit_. Gifts of Nature, Sir, compleated by Rules of Art, are indispensably Necessary to make a great Man this way, as well as any other. The first Thing requisite in an _Almanack-Writer_, is, _That he should be descended of a great Family, and bear a Coat of Arms_, this gives Lustre and Authority to what a Man writes, and makes the common People to believe, that _certainly this is a great Man_. I have known Almanack-Writers so curious and exact in this particular, that they have been at the Expence and Charge of a Wooden Cut in the Frontispiece, with their Arms emblazon'd, and surrounded with a Label, expressing the Name of the Family. This, Sir, made a great Impression, I confess, upon myself and others, and made those Works to go off well. If the Author who was _born to be an Almanack-maker_, has the Misfortune to be meanly descended, but yet, has a true Genius; if he has by him, or can borrow a Book, entitul'd the Peerage of _England_, he may safely borrow a Coat, (if there happens to be a Peer of his own Name) by reason, we are so great a Way distant from the Earl Marshal of that Part of _Great-Britain_ call'd _England_. The next Talent requisite in the forming of _a compleat Almanack-Writer_, is a Sort of Gravity, which keeps a due medium between Dulness and Nonsence, and yet has a Mixture of both. Now you know, Sir, that grave Men are taken by the common People always for wise Men. Gravity is just as good a Picture of Wisdom, as Pertness is of Wit, and therefore very taking. And to compleat an Almanack-maker, in this particular, he shou'd write Sentences, and throw out Hints, that neither himself, nor any Body else can understand or know the Meaning of. And this is also a necessary Talent. I will give you some Instances of this Way of Writing, which are almost inimitable, such as these, _Leeds, Jan_. 23. 1736. _Beware, the Design is suspected_. Feb. 23. _The World is bad with somebody_. Mar. 27. _Crimes not remitted_. April 10. _Cully Mully puff appears_. May 21 _The Sword of Satan is drawn_. June 7. _The Cat eat the Candle_. Now, Sir, Why should the Sword of Satan be drawn to kill the Cat on the 21st Day of _May_, when it plainly appears in Print, that the Cat did not eat the Candle till the 7th of _June_ following? This Question no Man but an Astrologer can possibly answer. In the next Place, I lay it down as a certain Maxim or Position, that _an Almanack-Writer shou'd not be a finish'd Poet, but a Piece of one_, and qualify'd to write, what we vulgarly call Doggerel; and that his Poetry shou'd bear a near Resemblance to his Prose. I must beg _Horace's_ and my Lord _Roscommon's_ Pardon, if I dissent from them in this one particular. I will give you their Rule in my Lord's English Translation, and save myself the Trouble of transcribing the Latin of _Horace_. _But no Authority of Gods nor Men Allow of any Mean in Poesy." This might for all I know be a Rule for Poetry among the Ancients, but the Moderns have found it troublesome, and the most of them, have wholly neglected it for that Reason. Witness the Authors Verses, whose Praise I am now celebrating, _December_ 1736. _Now is my_ 12 _Months Task come to conclusion, _Lord free us from Hatred, Envy and Confusion_. _All are not pleas'd, nor never will i'th' main_. _Fewds and Discords among us will remain_. _Be that as 'twill, however I'm glad to see, Envy disappointed both at Land and Sea_. I do not pretend to say, that this is like the Poetry of _Horace_, or Lord _Roscommon_, but it is the Poesy of an Astrologer; it is his own and not borrowed; It is occult and mysterious. It has a due Degree of that Sort of Gravity, which I have mentioned: In short, it is form'd upon the Rules which I have laid down in this short Essay. I could further prove to you, if I was to go about it, That _an Almanack-Writer_ ought not only to be a Piece of a Wit, but a very Wag; and that he shou'd have the Art also to make People believe, that he is almost a Conjurer, &c. But these Things I reserve for my greater Work, and in the mean time, until that appears, I desire to remain, _Sir,_ _Sept_. 27. 1737. _Your very humble Servant,_ PHILOMATH. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, October 20, 1737 _The Compassion of Captain Croak_ On the 3d Inst. arrived here the _Rose_, of _London_, Capt. _Croak_ Commander, from whom we have the following Relation, viz. That on the 17th of _June_ last, being on his Voyage from _Newfoundland_ to this Port, and in the Latitude of 41 Deg. N. and 48 Deg. of Longitude, he espied a Sail that made Signals of Distress; whereupon he came up to her, and found her so near Sinking, that he had only just Time to save the Persons belonging to her, (who were to the Number of 61) for he had no sooner taken them on board his own Vessel, but the other foundered in the Sea. The Persons thus providentially saved, informed him: That they were for the most part indented Servants and set Sail from _Cork_ for _Boston_, the 29th of _March_ last, on board the said Vessel, which was called the Speedwell, of which _William Stockdale_ had been Master. That about the 7th of _May_, their Water and Bread beginning to fall short, they were obliged to touch at the Island of St. _Michael_'s, and having lain there at Anchor, about 5 Days, a boisterous and violent Wind, blowing S W (while the Captain and Super-Cargo, and several others belonging to the Vessel were on Shore) forced her out to Sea, leaving her Anchor and Cable behind. That it was 21 Days before she could recover the Island, and being arrived there, which was on a Friday, those on board were informed, that the Master and those before mentioned, to have been left ashore, had set Sail for _Lisbon_ the Friday before, on Board one Capt. _Gillegan_. That thereupon the Persons, who had then the Care of the Vessel, put to Sea in order to proceed on their Voyage to _Boston_. That having met with a hard Gale of Wind, which caused the Vessel's Larboard Quarter to give way, they were obliged to keep two Pumps a going without Intermission, during the Space of three Days, when they most providentially met with the _Rose_, that saved their Lives, which otherwise were inevitably lost. _As it was running a Risque, which few others have cared to do, it was therefore a more remarkable Act of Humanity, in the Commander of the_ Rose, _to take so many additional Mouths on Board, when he had only Provisions for his own Company. This is such an Instance of a laudable Compassion, that it is to be wished it may not be more admired than imitated on the like Occasions. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 10, 1738 _Octuplets_ _Aug_. 5. We hear that the Wife of a Peasant in the District of _Boisleduc_ was brought to Bed of eight Children, seven Girls and one Boy, who were all living. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, November 24, 1738 _Obadiah Plainman Defends the Meaner Sort_ _To the Author of the Letter in the last_ Pennsylvania _Gazette._ _SIR,_ On my first hearing of the Outcry that was raised against the Paragraph, that related to the shutting up of the Concert Room, _&c_. I immediately called for the _Gazette_; but, tho' I read the Article over and over with the greatest Attention, I was not able to discover in it the least injurious Reflection on the Characters of the Gentlemen concerned. My ill Success, I then attributed to my Stupidity, and concluded that the Abuse, tho' I could not see it, must nevertheless be very perspicuous to the BETTER SORT, otherwise, they would not have made so loud a Complaint against it, as it is publickly known they did, _since it was in the publick Street_. I comforted myself with the Hopes, that, on the Appearance of your Letter, the Mist would have been dispelled from my Eyes. But, I can't help declaring, that, notwithstanding all the Assistance you have furnished me with, the Injury complained of, still remains to me as great a Secret as ever. You tell us _the Paragraph manifestly carries in it an Insinuation,_ that _the Persons concerned in the Concert declin'd meeting, as thinking it inconsistent with the Doctrine of the Christian Religion_. But, with Submission, I think the Paragraph manifestly insinuates the quite contrary. It mentions, that the Gentlemen concerned in the Concert, _&c_. caused the Door to be _broke open_, which was the strongest Evidence that could be given of their Dislike to the Principles on which it had been shut up. Therefore, tho' it immediately follows, that no Company came the last Assembly Night, it was _most unnatural_ to suppose they should so _suddenly_ have changed their Sentiments, and declined their Diversions on any religious Consideration. Let us admit for Argument's Sake (which, otherwise, can by no Means be admitted) that the Words are guilty of the Insinuation, which you are so fond it should be thought they are. Yet, how does it appear that the Characters of the Gentlemen are injured by it? You tell us, _They think so_. But, is that a Reason to induce _Us_ to believe it is _really_ so? Since you have appealed to the _Mob_ as _Judges_ of this IMPORTANT Controversy, I must inform you, that the Assertion (and much less, _the Belief_) of any Man, never passes for Argument at _Our_ impartial Tribunal. For my own Part (I speak with an humble Deference to the rest of my Brethren) I cannot conceive how any Person's Reputation can be prejudiced, tho' it should be reported, that he has left off making of Legs, or cutting of Capers. Perhaps you will object, _that it is not the Fact, but the Motive, which is controverted; That you admit the Company did not meet; but deny, they declined meeting, for the Reason, which,_ as you pretend, _is insinuated in the Gazette_. If this be the true State of the Question, _we_ unanimously pronounce the Accusation to be groundless. In Matters of such a Nature, no Man can judge of your Thoughts but yourself: Therefore, your Denial of the Charge was a sufficient, and indeed the _only_ proper Defence you could make. But you were not contented to stop here, but must needs tell _us_ incoherent Stories of Mr. _Whitefield_ and Mr. _Seward_, and, under Pretence of a Vindication, foist into the News-Paper Invectives against those two Gentlemen. You might with equal Propriety have entertained _Us_ with the History of _Romulus_ and _Remus_, and entituled it "an Argument to prove, that you did not _think_ Dancing, or _idle_ Capering an unchristian Diversion." I hope, Sir, from what I have said, you are now convinced, that you have brought before _Us_ a most _ridiculous_ Complaint against an _imaginary_ Abuse, and consequently you have been all this Time doing nothing more than beating the Air, and _fighting without an Adversary_. In the next Place, I am to reprimand you, Sir, for your disrespectful Behaviour to _Us_, whom you had chosen for your Judges. _We_ take Notice, that you have ranked yourself under the Denomination of the BETTER SORT of People, which is an Expression always made use of in Contradistinction to the _meaner Sort_, _i.e._ the Mob, or the Rabble. Tho' _We_ are not displeased with such Appellations when bestowed on _Us_ by our Friends, yet _We_ have ever regarded them as Terms of outrageous Reproach, when applied to _Us_ by our Enemies; for in this (and so it is in many other Cases) the Words are to receive their Construction from the _known_ Mind of the Speaker: Your _Demosthenes'_ and _Ciceroes_, your _Sidneys_ and _Trenchards_ never approached _Us_ but with Reverence: _The High and Mighty Mob_, _The Majesty of the Rabble_, _The Honour and Dignity of the Populace_, _Or_ such _like_ Terms of Respect, were frequent in their Orations; and what a high Opinion they entertained of the Accuracy of _Our_ Judgment, appears from those elaborate Compositions they addressed to _Us_. They never took upon them to make a Difference of Persons, but as they were distinguished by their Virtues or their Vices. But now our present Scriblers expect our Applause for reviling us to our Faces. They consider us as a stupid Herd, in whom the Light of Reason is extinguished. Hence every impertinent Babler thinks himself qualified to harangue us, without Style, Argument or Justness of Sentiment. Your gross Deficiency in the two latter Particulars I have already given Instances of; and as to your Skill in Language you have furnished _Us_ with the following notable Example: You affirm _That Mr_. Whitefield's _Tenets are mischievous_: Therefore, on that Supposition, it is impossible they should be contemptible; yet, with the same Breath _you assure_ Us, _that you have them in the utmost Contempt_. This is the merriest Gibberish I ever met with. Surely, you have not published it as a Sample of the Stile of those polite Folks, who by their own Authority, _"contrary to Law and Justice, without any previous Application to or Consent first had"_ of their Fellow-Citizens, have usurped the Title of the BETTER SORT. Under these _gentle_ Reprehensions _We_ now dismiss you, hoping you will make a proper Use of them, when you shall judge it _convenient_ to appeal to _Us_ again. _I am, _On Behalf of myself and the Rest of my Brethren of the_ Meaner Sort, Yours, _&c_. OBADIAH PLAINMAN. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 15, 1740 _Obadiah Plainman to Tom Trueman_ _To_ TOM TRUEMAN. _Dear Tommy,_ Tho' there are two Letters addressed to me, one in the _Gazette_, and the other in the _Mercury_; yet, from the near Conformity they bear to one another in Sentiment, Reasoning, and _Similes_, I am apt to conclude they were wrote by the same Hand, _Or_, if by different Persons, that they communicated their Thoughts to one another, and then club'd them together for the Service of the _Public_. On the latter Supposition, it would be unnecessary in my Reply, to regard them as distinct Performances of several Writers; I therefore address myself to you as the Author of both. You tell me you have found out by my Letter, that I imagine myself the Prince and Leader of a mighty People. I wonder how a Genius so penetrating as yours could be led into so gross an Error: For, alas! I am but a poor ordinary Mechanick of this City, obliged to work hard for the Maintenance of myself, my Wife, and several small Children. When my daily Labour is over, instead of going to the Alehouse, I amuse myself with the Books of the Library Company, of which I am an _unworthy_ Member. This Account of my Circumstances, the Meanness of my Education, and my innocent Manner of Life, I hope, will effectually remove those _groundless_ Suspicions, which you seemed to entertain, of my being in a Plot against the State. You are pleased to inform me, that _you are_ But _a young Man, Country-born_. In Return for such an _important_ Discovery, I will let you into another Secret of as great Consequence. -- "Hark in your Ear," _I am_ But _an old Man not Country-born_. In Respect of Soil, I presume neither of us will pretend to any Superiority; but the Pre-eminence being on my Side in Regard to my Age, I shall make Use of that Privilege to _Document_ you a little. I shall first consider the argumentative Part of your Letter in the Gazette. You there assert, _that from the first Facts alledged in the Paragraph, supposing nothing more said, a Stranger would unquestionably imagine that the Rooms were shut up by the Owners_. This Assertion is granted you, _because_ you are so kind to allow that It is absolutely _destroyed_ by the Remainder of the Article; which says, _the Gentlemen caused the Door to be broke open again_. Thus far we have travelled, thro' the Construction of the Paragraph, with a mutual Agreement, and a wonderful Satisfaction on both Sides. But now you ask, _What does the Author mean by informing the World that no Company came the,_ then, _last Assembly Night?_ Ay, what does he mean? This is the "plaguy" Difficulty that has so _strangely puzzled_, and which still seems to _continue_ to puzzle the _Better Sort_. You are however sure, for your Part, that his Words must be intended to signify _Something_ or _NOTHING_. As I shall always be ready to gratify you, when I can do it safely, I agree to your latter Alternative. But then, how can those Words which, on your own Concession, mean NOTHING, carry in them the _Insinuation_ you contend for, or any Insinuation at all. This notwithstanding, you think yourself so absolutely certain of the Truth of your Consequence, that one would imagine you were ready to take your corporal Oath of it, when required, tho' you acknowledge there is not the _least Shadow_ of any Premises from which it can be deduced. This is such strange Reasoning, that _doubtless, it has been reserved to this Time, solely,_ dear _Tommy,_ for a Head so singularly clear and logical as yours. You desire I would show the World the Interpretation the Words will bear. Your Request, my dear Child, is contrary to all Laws of Argument, and therefore (tho' I am heartily sorry it should happen so) I cannot comply with your Desire. If you advance an Assertion, it is at your own Peril to support it with Proofs, which if you fail in, every one has a Right to _reject it as false_. In my first I did not give any Construction of the Paragraph, for my Business was to defend it from the Insinuation with which it unjustly stood accused; and therefore, from the Gentlemen's declared Dislike of Mr. _Whitefield_'s Principles, I inferred it was unnatural to suppose they should so suddenly have changed their Sentiments. Against this Defence you object, _that the_ Followers of Mr. _Whitefield_ would naturally believe so sudden a Conversion. Now, that They should be capable of _Thinking_ so, whom, in the first Colume of the _Gazette_, you regard as _irrational_ Creatures, and, consequently, destitute of the Faculty of _Thinking_, is to me quite incomprehensible. I now proceed to your Complaint of the gross Misrepresentation, as you imagine, of the Meaning of the Words, _Better Sort_, in your first Letter. That _notable_ Epistle was published as the Sentiments of the whole Company concerned in the Concert. Therefore (whether the Fact be so or not; for that is entirely out of the Question) I had NO RIGHT to consider it, but as Theirs, nor Them in any other Light than as they there appeared, namely as Part of the _People_, which always signifies the Governed, or _private Persons_. Tho' the Stile be in the third Person, yet, without any Prejudice to the Sense, it may be changed to the first, and then it will run thus, _We think our Characters injured by the Paragraph, as tho' Mr_. Whitefield _had met with great Success among us the_ BETTER SORT _of People of Pennsilvania_. This Case has no Manner of Resemblance to those which you have put, of Boys at Bandy-Wicket, young Fellows at Foot-Ball, Magistrates on the Bench, Quakers with their Hats on, or the Library Company with their Hats off or on, for all those Persons are said to be OF the _Better Sort_, which does not exclude others from the same Rank. But the Denomination of _Better Sort_ in your first Letter (where the Particle _of_, as applied in the latter Cases, cannot be found) is evidently engrossed by Those who, with such a commendable Modesty, bestowed it on themselves. Now when private Persons publickly stile themselves, exclusively of all others, the BETTER SORT of People of the Province, can it be doubted but that they look on the Rest of their Fellow Subjects in the same Government with Contempt, and consequently regard them as Mob and Rabble. For so gross an Insult on the People in general, I endeavoured (but without respecting any Party in particular, as you groundlessly insinuate) to turn the Writer into Ridicule; and therefore made Use of the Words Mob and Rabble, to expose him more effectually; but with very different Ideas annexed to them in my Mind (of which I was careful to give Notice) from those they receive, when deduced from that extraordinary Epistle. In my Animadversions on it I personated the Public, which you charge as a Crime, tho' it is an allowed Figure in Speech, frequently used, and particularly by those great Assertors of _Public Liberty_, whose Names I mentioned at the Time. I imagined my Design lay so apparently on the Surface, that you could not have overlooked it. However, I am far from imitating the Example you have set me, and shall not attribute your Mistake of my Intentions, to an impenetrable Stupidity; but I fairly place it on the Obscurity of my Stile. This, dear _Tommy_, will be esteem'd a very liberal Concession, by those who consider your Unskilfulness in Language. You have not, by your Answer, mended the Blunder I remarked in your first: Your saying, that the same Person may be both mischievous and contemptible, is nothing to the Purpose; for you must regard him in different Views before you can properly affirm so differently of him: But Mr. _Whitefield_'s Doctrine you represented simply as mischievous, and, under that Appearance only, you pronounced it the Object of your Contempt. It seems as if you would rather have it believed a Fault in Sentiment than Language: So you admit you understood the Word, but charge the wrong Application of it, to the Defect of your Judgment. In my poor Opinion, you gain nothing by the Change, to furnish Matter of Triumph. Tho' your Absurdities and Mistakes are such, that no Writer was ever guilty of before; yet, I question not, but you will inform the World in your next, as you did in your last, that my Animadversions on them are only _Extracts out of other Men's Works,_ viz. _those of the Party-Writers in_ England. I have, more than once, told you, that no Man has a Right to bring an Accusation before the Publick, without bringing his _Proofs_ along with it. You have confined your Evidence, which is to support this Charge, to the Party-Writers of _Great Britain_. I will not limit you to them, but shall admit, that there is a _Possibility_ of its being true, if you can produce any Author, of any Age or Country, that ever was engaged in a Controversy _of the like Nature_ with Ours. The Paragraph in Dispute contains but five Lines. The Insinuation, deduced from it in your first, is also comprized within five; in your second it takes up fifteen; I _hope_ I shall live to see the Day, when It shall have swelled to a large Volume in Folio: For so useful and edifying a Work, as that is likely to be, must redound to the immortal Honour of that IMPORTANT Article of News, in the Reputation and Defence of which I am so _deeply_ interested. As to the PERSONAL SCANDAL, in both your Letters, it is a Commodity I never deal in; and therefore, cannot make you any Return for those _flagrant_ UNMERITED _Civilities_, which I have received from your _polite_ Hand. However, if you think that such delicate _genteel_ Touches of Raillery will be of any Service to you, in the farther Prosecution of this _worthy_ Argument, I shall be far from objecting against your Use of them. And so, _my dear_ Tommy, _for the present_, _I bid you heartily Farewell_. OBADIAH PLAINMAN. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, May 29, 1740 _Religious Mood in Philadelphia_ During the Session of the _Presbyterian_ Synod, which began on the 28th of the last Month, and continued to the third of this Instant, there were no less than 14 Sermons preached on _Society-Hill_ to large Audiences, by the Rev. Messrs. the _Tennents_, Mr. _Davenport_, Mr. _Rowland_ and Mr. _Blair_, besides what were deliver'd at the _Presbyterian_ and _Baptist_ Meetings, and Expoundings and Exhortations in private Houses. The Alteration in the Face of Religion here is altogether surprizing. Never did the People show so great a Willingness to attend Sermons, nor the Preachers greater Zeal and Diligence in performing the Duties of their Function. Religion is become the Subject of most Conversations. No Books are in Request but those of Piety and Devotion; and instead of idle Songs and Ballads, the People are every where entertaining themselves with Psalms, Hymns and Spiritual Songs. All which, under God, is owing to the successful Labours of the Reverend Mr. _Whitefield_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 12, 1740 _Statement of Editorial Policy_ It is a Principle among Printers, that when Truth has fair Play, it will always prevail over Falshood; therefore, though they have an undoubted Property in their own Press, yet they willingly allow, that any one is entitled to the Use of it, who thinks it necessary to offer his Sentiments on disputable Points to the Publick, and will be at the Expence of it. If what is thus publish'd be good, Mankind has the Benefit of it: If it be bad (I speak now in general without any design'd Application to any particular Piece whatever) the more 'tis made publick, the more its Weakness is expos'd, and the greater Disgrace falls upon the Author, whoever he be; who is at the same Time depriv'd of an Advantage he would otherwise without fail make use of, _viz_. of Complaining, _that Truth is suppress'd, and that he could say MIGHTY MATTERS, had he but the Opportunity of being heard._ The Printers of this City have been unjustly reflected on, as if they were under some undue Influence, and guilty of great Partiality in favour of the Preaching lately admir'd among us, so as to refuse Printing any Thing in Opposition to it, how just or necessary soever. A Reflection entirely false and groundless, and without the least Colour of Fact to support it; which all will be convinc'd of when they see the following Piece from one Press, and the Rev. Mr. _Cummings_'s Sermons against the Doctrines themselves, from the other. _Englishmen_ thought it an intolerable Hardship, when (tho' by an Act of their own Parliament) Thoughts, which should be free, were fetter'd and confin'd, and an Officer was erected over the Nation, call'd _a Licenser of the Press_, without whose Consent no Writing could be publish'd. Care might indeed be taken in the Choice of this Officer, that he should be a Man of great Understanding, profound Learning, and extraordinary Piety; yet, as the greatest and best of Men may have _some_ Errors, and have been often found averse to _some_ Truths, it was justly esteem'd a National Grievance, that the People should have Nothing to read but the Opinions, or what was agreeable to the Opinions of _ONE MAN_. But should every petty Printer (who, if he can read his Hornbook, may be thought to have Learning enough to qualify him for his own Sphere) presume to erect himself into an Officer of this kind, and arbitrarily decide what ought and what ought not to be published, much more justly might the World complain. 'Tis true, where Invectives are contain'd in any Piece, there is no good-natur'd Printer but had much rather be employ'd in Work of another kind: However, tho' many personal Reflections be interwoven in the following Performance, yet as the Author _(who has subscrib'd his Name)_ thought them necessary, to vindicate his own Conduct and Character, it is therefore hoped, on that Consideration, the Reader will excuse the Printer for publishing them. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 24, 1740 _Essay on Paper-Currency, Proposing a New Method for Fixing Its Value_ _To the Author of the_ GENERAL MAGAZINE. It appears by the Resolutions of the Honourable the House of Commons of _Great Britain_, that it is their Opinion, that the Issuing Paper Currencies in the _American_ Colonies hath been prejudicial to the Trade of _Great Britain_, by causing a Confusion in Dealings, and lessening of Credit in those Parts; and that there is Reason to apprehend, that some Measures will be fallen upon, to hinder or restrain any future Emissions of such Currencies, when those that are now extant shall be called in and sunk. But if any Scheme could be formed, for fixing and ascertaining the Value of Paper Bills of Credit, in all future Emissions, it may be presumed such Restraints will be taken off, as the Confusion complained of in Dealings would thereby be avoided. Something of this Kind is here attempted, in hopes that it may be improved into a useful Project. But I shall first set down a few plain Remarks touching the Fluctuation of Exchange, and the Value of Gold and Silver in the Colonies; with some Observations on the Ballance of Trade; in order to render what follows the more clear and intelligible. I. Every particular Man, that is concerned in Trade, whose Imports and Exports are not exactly equal, must either _draw_ Bills of Exchange on other Countries, or _buy_ Bills to send abroad to ballance his Accounts. II. The Exports and Imports in any Colony, may be managed by different Hands, and the Number of those chiefly imployed in the latter may greatly exceed the Number of those imployed in the former. Hence it is evident there may sometimes be many Buyers and few Sellers of Bills of Exchange, even whilst the Exports may exceed in Value the Imports: And it is easy to conceive, that in this Case, Exchange may rise. III. The _British_ Merchants, who trade to the Colonies, are often unacquainted with the Advantages that may be made by building of Ships there, or by the Commodities of those Colonies carried to the _West-Indies_, or to Foreign Markets: And for that Reason, frequently order all their Remittances in Bills of Exchange, tho' less advantageous; which must encrease the Demand for Bills, and enhance the Price of them. IV. A great Demand in _Europe_ for any of the Commodities of the Colonies, and large Orders for those Commodities from the _British_ Merchants to their Factors here, with Directions to draw for the Value, may occasion Exchange to fall for a Time, even tho' the Imports should be greater than the Exports. V. Hence it appears, that a sudden great Demand for Bills in the Colonies, may, at any time, advance the Exchange; and a sudden great Demand abroad for their Commodities may fall the Exchange. VI. Gold and Silver will always rise and fall, very near in Proportion as Exchange rises and falls; being only wanted, in those Colonies that have a Paper Currency, for the same Use as Bills of Exchange, _viz._ for Remittances to _England_. VII. When few People can draw on _England_, or furnish those who want Remittances with Gold or Silver, Paper Currency may fall with respect to Sterling-Money and Gold and Silver, (by which the _British_ Merchants always judge of it) and yet keep up to its original Value in Respect to all other Things. VIII. From all these Considerations, I think, it appears that the Rising or Falling of the Exchange can be no sure Rule for Discovering on which Side the Ballance of Trade lies; because that Exchange may be affected by various Accidents independent thereof. But in order to determine this Point with more Certainty, it should be considered; IX. That whatever is imported, must, first or last, be paid for in the Produce or Manufactures of the Country: If the Commodities exported in one Year be not sufficient to pay for what is imported, the Deficiency must be made up by exporting more in succeeding Years; otherwise the Colony becomes Debtor for so much as the Deficiency is; which at last must be discharged (if it is ever discharged) by their Lands. X. If this has been the Case with any Colony; or if the Debt of the Colony to _Great Britain_ has been increasing for several Years successively, it is a Demonstration that the Ballance of Trade is against them: But on the Contrary, if the Debt to _Great Britain_ is lessening yearly, or not increasing, it is as evident, that the Ballance of Trade is not against them; notwithstanding the Currency of that Colony may be falling gradually all the while. I shall now proceed to the Scheme for fixing the Value of a Paper Currency, _viz_. XI. Let it be supposed, that in some one of the Colonies the Sum of 110,000 in Bills of Credit was proposed to be struck, and all other Currencies to be called in and destroyed; and that 133 _l_. 6 _s_. 8 _d_. in these Bills should be equivalent to 100 _l_. Sterling; which likewise would make the said Bills equal to Foreign Coins, at the Rates settled by the Act of Parliament made in the Sixth Year of Queen Anne_. At which Rate, according to this Scheme, it may be as well settled as at any other. XII. Let _One Hundred Thousand Pounds_ be emitted on Loan, upon good Securities, either in Land or Plate, according to the Method used in _Pensylvania_, the Borrowers to pay _Five per Cent per Annum_ Interest, together with a _Twentieth_ Part of the Principal, which would give the Government an Opportunity of sinking it by Degrees, if any Alteration in the Circumstances of the Province should make it necessary: But if no such Necessity appeared, so much of the Principal as should be paid in, might be re-emitted on the same Terms as before. XIII. The other _Ten Thousand_ Pounds to be laid out in such Commodities as should be most likely to yield a Profit at Foreign Markets, to be ship'd off on Account of the Colony, in order to raise a Fund or Bank in _England_: Which Sum, so laid out, would in two Years time, be returned into the Office again by the Interest Money. XIV. The Trustees or Managers of this Bank to be impowered and directed to supply all Persons that should apply to them, with Bills of Exchange, to be drawn on the Colony's Banker in _London_, at the aforesaid Rate of 133 _l_. 6 _s_. 8 _d_. of the said Bills of Credit for 100 _l_. Sterling. The Monies thus brought in, to be laid out again as before, and replaced in _England_ in the said Bank with all convenient Speed: And as these provincial Bills would have, at least, as good a Credit as those of any private Person; every Man, who had occasion to draw, would, of Course, be obliged to dispose of his Bills at the same Rate. XV. It is by Means of this Bank, that it is proposed to regulate the Rate of Exchange; and therefore it would be necessary to make it so large, or procure the Trustees such a Credit in _London_, as should discourage and prevent any mischievous Combinations for draining it and rendering the Design useless. I know of no Inconvenience that could arise by allotting double the proposed Sum for that Service, but that the annual Interest would be lessen'd; which in some Governments has been found a useful Engine for defraying the publick Expence. But if only a Credit should be thought needful, over and above the said Sum, and upon some Emergency Recourse should be had to it, the Interest-Money would soon afford sufficient Means for answering that Credit. XVI. The Trustees might further be impowered and directed, to take in Foreign Coins, at the Rates prescribed by the Act of Parliament, from those who wanted to change them for Paper Currency, and to exchange for those who wanted Gold and Silver. This, it is imagined, might reduce those Coins again to a Currency, which now are only bought and sold as a Commodity. Or, if it should be judged more advantageous to the Credit of the Paper-Currency, Part of the Proceeds of what should be sent abroad, might be returned to the Province in Gold and Silver, for creating a Fund here. XVII. I hope it will appear upon examining into the Circumstances of the Paper-Money-Colonies, by the Rule proposed above, that the Ballance of Trade has not been so much against them as is commonly imagined; but that the Fall of their Currencies, with Respect to Sterling, and to Gold and Silver, has been chiefly occasioned either by some such Accidents as are above shewed to influence it; which by this Scheme will be all prevented: Or to their being issued without any good Foundation for supporting their Credit, such as a Land Security, _&c_. However that be, I think, there can be no room, upon our Plan, to fear, that the Credit of the Paper-Currency can be injur'd, even though the Ballance of Trade were against the Colony, while their Bank in _London_ can be duely supported. From the sad Consequence of a losing Trade, _viz_. that of having the Property of the Lands transferr'd to another Country, it appears absolutely necessary for every Colony, that finds or suspects that to be its own Case, to think timely of all proper Means for preventing it; such as encouraging Iron-Works, Ship-building, raising and manufacturing of Hemp and Flax, and all other Manufactures not prohibited by their Mother Country. They might likewise save considerable Sums, which are now sent to _England_, by setting up and establishing an Insurance-Office. This, I think, might effectually be done by an Act of Assembly for impowering the Trustees of the Loan-Office to subscribe all Policies that should be brought to them, on such Terms as should be settled by the said Trustees jointly with a Committee of Assembly, at a Meeting for that Purpose, once a Month, or oftner if necessary. Besides the saving to the Country in the Article of Trade, it would probably yield a considerable yearly Income towards the Support of Government; it being evident, that most prudent Insurers are great Gainers upon the Whole of their Insurances, after all Losses are deducted. Upon the Execution of this Scheme, I am persuaded, two very great Advantages must accrue; _First_, That the Export would be increased, and consequently bring the Ballance of Trade more in favour of the Province: And, _Secondly_, that the Rate of Exchange would be fixed and ascertained; which, 'tis hoped, would effectually remove the Prejudices which the Merchants in _England_ seem to have conceived against a Paper Currency in the Colonies. _The General Magazine_, February, 1741 _Letter from Theophilus, Relating to the Divine Prescience_ _To the Author of the_ GENERAL MAGAZINE. SIR, There is a Question in the Schools, and I think generally resolved in the Affirmative; _Whether God concurs with all human Actions or not?_ That is, Whether he be the principal efficient Cause of every Action we produce? This Question, I say, is generally resolved in the Affirmative: And the _Reason_ they give is this; _Because,_ say they, _if God did not concur with every Action that's produc'd, then there would be an Action, and consequently some Being, independent of God, which is absurd: Therefore,_ &c. It hath been the Opinion of many great and learned Men, that second Causes have no proper Activity of their own; but that God acts directly and immediately in them and by them; that he produces all the Acts of Thinking, and all the Volitions or Acts of Willing; and that he has from all Eternity decreed, _That he will do with such and such a Creature, at such a Time, such and such Acts;_ which shall _infallibly_ come to pass, the contrary whereof could not fall out from any Principle in the Creature; that the Creature neither can nor ought to have any thing real, nor positively do any Act but what God produces in it. There is no Possibility, they think, of defending the Doctrine of the _Divine Prescience_, if this be deny'd. For nothing can be foreknown that is contingent in its own Nature; but every Action depending upon the Will of an Agent, left at Liberty to do as it pleases, is contingent, _i. e._ it may or may not happen, and therefore cannot be foreknown: For when any Being knows that a Thing will be, it must be, otherwise it could not be an Object of Knowledge: It is absolutely impossible to know, that any Event _will_ come to pass, that _may not_ come to pass. So that whoever denies God's immediate Concourse with every Action we produce, must of Consequence deny God's Foreknowledge. I should be glad therefore to see some Remarks made upon this Subject; and knowing of no better Method to invite some proper Person to undertake it, I make bold to desire you to insert the Contents hereof in the _General Magazine_ for the Month of _March_, and you will oblige _Your constant Reader, and most humble Servant,_ THEOPHILUS. _The General Magazine_, March, 1741 _Obituary of Andrew Hamilton_ On the 4th Instant, died ANDREW HAMILTON, Esq; and was the next Day inter'd at _Bush-Hill_, his Country Seat. His Corps was attended to the Grave by a great Number of his Friends, deeply affected with their own, but more with their Country's Loss. He lived not without Enemies: For, as he was himself open and honest, he took pains to unmask the Hypocrite, and boldly censured the Knave, without regard to Station and Profession. Such, therefore, may exult at his Death. He steadily maintained the Cause of Liberty; and the Laws made, during the time he was Speaker of the Assembly, which was many Years, will be a lasting Monument of his Affection to the People, and of his Concern for the welfare of this Province. He was no Friend to Power, as he had observed an ill use had been frequently made of it in the Colonies; and therefore was seldom upon good Terms with Governors. This Prejudice, however, did not always determine his Conduct towards them; for where he saw they meant well, he was for supporting them honourably, and was indefatigable in endeavouring to remove the Prejudices of others. He was long at the Top of his Profession here, and had he been as griping as he was knowing and active, he might have left a much greater Fortune to his Family than he has done: But he spent more Time in hearing and reconciling Differences in private, to the Loss of his Fees, than he did in pleading Causes at the Bar. He was just, where he sat as a Judge; and tho' he was stern and severe in his Manner, he was compassionate in his Nature, and very slow to punish. He was the Poor Man's Friend, and was never known to with-hold his Purse or Service from the Indigent or Oppressed. He was a tender Husband and a fond Parent: But -- these are Virtues which Fools and Knaves have sometimes in common with the Wise and the Honest. His free Manner of treating Religious Subjects, gave Offence to many, who, if a Man may judge by their Actions, were not themselves much in earnest. He feared God, loved Mercy, and did Justice: If he could not subscribe to the Creed of any particular Church, it was not for want of considering them All; for he had read much on Religious Subjects. He went through a tedious Sickness with uncommon Chearfulness, Constancy and Courage. Nothing of affected Bravery or Ostentation appeared; But such a Composure and Tranquility of Mind, as results from the Reflection of a Life spent agreeable to the best of a Man's Judgment. He preserved his Understanding and his Regard for his Friends to the last Moment. What was given as a Rule for a Poet, upon another Occasion, may be justly apply'd to Him upon this, ------ _Servetur ad imum Qualis ab incepto processerit, & sibi constet._ _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 6, 1741 _Obituary of James Merrewether_ On Sunday last died after a short Illness, JAMES MERREWETHER, a Person somewhat obscure, and of an unpromising Appearance, but esteem'd by those few who enjoy'd an Intimacy with him, to be one of the honestest, best, and wisest Men in Philadelphia. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 22, 1742 _I Sing My Plain Country Joan_ Poor RICHARD's Description of his Country WIFE JOAN. _A_ SONG -- TUNE, _The Hounds are all out_. 1. Of their _Chloes_ and _Phyllises_ Poets may prate, I will sing my plain COUNTRY JOAN; Twice twelve Years my Wife, still the Joy of my Life: Bless'd Day that I made her my own, _My dear Friends._ Bless'd Day that I made her my own. 2. Not a Word of her Shape, or her Face, or her Eyes, Of Flames or of Darts shall you hear: Though I BEAUTY admire, 'tis VIRTUE I prize, Which fades not in seventy Years. 3. In Health a Companion delightful and gay, Still easy, engaging, and free; In Sickness no less than the faithfullest Nurse, As tender as tender can be. 4. In Peace and good Order my Houshold she guides, Right careful to save what I gain; Yet chearfully spends, and smiles on the Friends I've the Pleasure to entertain. 5. Am I laden with Care, she takes off a large Share, That the Burden ne'er makes me to reel; Does good Fortune arrive, the Joy of my Wife Quite doubles the Pleasure I feel. 6. She defends my good Name, even when I'm to blame, Friend firmer to Man ne'er was given: Her compassionate Breast feels for all the distress'd, Which draws down the Blessings of Heaven. 7. In Raptures the giddy Rake talks of his Fair, Enjoyment will make him despise. I speak my cool Sense, which long Exper'ence And Acquaintance has chang'd in no Wise. 8. The Best have some Faults, and so has My JOAN, But then they're exceedingly small, And, now I'm us'd to 'em, they're so like my own, I scarcely can feel them at all. 9. Was the fairest young Princess, with Millions in Purse, To be had in Exchange for My JOAN, She could not be a better Wife, might be a worse, So I'll stick to My JUGGY alone, _A Proposal for Promoting Useful Knowledge Among the British Plantations in America_ The _English_ are possess'd of a long Tract of Continent, from _Nova Scotia_ to _Georgia_, extending North and South thro' different Climates, having different Soils, producing different Plants, Mines and Minerals, and capable of different Improvements, Manufactures, _&c._ The first Drudgery of Settling new Colonies, which confines the Attention of People to mere Necessaries, is now pretty well over; and there are many in every Province in Circumstances that set them at Ease, and afford Leisure to cultivate the finer Arts, and improve the common Stock of Knowledge. To such of these who are Men of Speculation, many Hints must from time to time arise, many Observa-tions occur, which if well-examined, pursued and improved, might produce Discoveries to the Advantage of some or all of the _British_ Plantations, or to the Benefit of Mankind in general. But as from the Extent of the Country such Persons are widely separated, and seldom can see and converse or be acquainted with each other, so that many useful Particulars remain uncommunicated, die with the Discoverers, and are lost to Mankind; it is, to remedy this Inconvenience for the future, proposed, That One Society be formed of Virtuosi or ingenious Men residing in the several Colonies, to be called _The American Philosophical Society_; who are to maintain a constant Correspondence. That _Philadelphia_ being the City nearest the Centre of the Continent-Colonies, communicating with all of them northward and southward by Post, and with all the Islands by Sea, and having the Advantage of a good growing Library, be the Centre of the Society. That at _Philadelphia_ there be always at least seven Members, _viz_. a Physician, a Botanist, a Mathematician, a Chemist, a Mechanician, a Geographer, and a general Natural Philosopher, besides a President, Treasurer and Secretary. That these Members meet once a Month, or oftner, at their own Expence, to communicate to each other their Observations, Experiments, _&c._ to receive, read and consider such Letters, Communications, or Queries as shall be sent from distant Members; to direct the Dispersing of Copies of such Communications as are valuable, to other distant Members, in order to procure their Sentiments thereupon, _&c._ That the Subjects of the Correspondence be, All new-discovered Plants, Herbs, Trees, Roots, _&c._ their Virtues, Uses, _&c._ Methods of Propagating them, and making such as are useful, but particular to some Plantations, more general. Improvements of vegetable Juices, as Cyders, Wines, _&c_. New Methods of Curing or Preventing Diseases. All new-discovered Fossils in different Countries, as Mines, Minerals, Quarries, _&c_. New and useful Improvements in any Branch of Mathematicks. New Discoveries in Chemistry, such as Improvements in Distillation, Brewing, Assaying of Ores, _&c_. New Mechanical Inventions for saving Labour; as Mills, Carriages, _&c_. and for Raising and Conveying of Water, Draining of Meadows, _&c_. All new Arts, Trades, Manufactures, _&c_. that may be proposed or thought of. Surveys, Maps and Charts of particular Parts of the Sea-coasts, or Inland Countries; Course and Junction of Rivers and great Roads, Sit-uation of Lakes and Mountains, Nature of the Soil and Productions, _&c_. New Methods of Improving the Breed of useful Animals; Introducing other Sorts from foreign Countries. New Improvements in Planting, Gardening, Clearing Land, _&c_. And all philosophical Experiments that let Light into the Nature of Things, tend to increase the Power of Man over Matter, and multiply the Conveniencies or Pleasures of Life. That a Correspondence already begun by some intended Members, shall be kept up by this Society with the ROYAL SOCIETY of _London_, and with the DUBLIN SOCIETY. That every Member shall have Abstracts sent him Quarterly, of every Thing valuable communicated to the Society's Secretary at _Philadelphia_; free of all Charge except the Yearly Payment hereafter mentioned. That by Permission of the Postmaster-General, such Communications pass between the Secretary of the Society and the Members, Postage-free. That for defraying the Expence of such Experiments as the Society shall judge proper to cause to be made, and other contingent Charges for the common Good, every Member send a Piece of Eight _per Annum_ to the Treasurer, at _Philadelphia_, to form a Common Stock, to be disburs'd by Order of the President with the Consent of the Majority of the Members that can conveniently be consulted thereupon, to such Persons and Places where and by whom the Experiments are to be made, and otherwise as there shall be Occasion; of which Disbursements an exact Account shall be kept, and communicated yearly to every Member. That at the first Meetings of the Members at _Philadelphia_, such Rules be formed for Regulating their Meetings and Transactions for the General Benefit, as shall be convenient and necessary; to be afterwards changed and improv'd as there shall be Occasion, wherein due Regard is to be had to the Advice of distant Members. That at the End of every Year, Collections be made and printed, of such Experiments, Discoveries, Improvements, _&c_. as may be thought of publick Advantage: And that every Member have a Copy sent him. That the Business and Duty of the Secretary be, To receive all Letters intended for the Society, and lay them before the President and Members at their Meetings; to abstract, correct and methodize such Papers, _&c_. as require it, and as he shall be directed to do by the President, after they have been considered, debated and digested in the Society; to enter Copies thereof in the Society's Books, and make out Copies for distant Members; to answer their Letters by Direction of the President, and keep Records of all material Transactions of the Society, _&c_. _Benjamin Franklin_, the Writer of this Proposal, offers himself to serve the Society as their Secretary, 'till they shall be provided with one more capable. _Philadelphia, May_ 14. 1743. Philadelphia, broadside, 1743 _Apology for the Young Man in Goal_ _An_ Apology _for the young Man in Goal, and in Shackles, for ravishing an old Woman of_ 85 _at_ Whitemarsh, _who had only one Eye, and that a red one_. Unhappy Youth, that could not longer stay, Till by old Age thy Choice had dy'd away; A few Days more had given to thy Arms, Free from the Laws, her aged Lump of Charms, Which, tho' defunct, might feel not less alive Than we imagine Maids of Eighty-five; Or hadst thou staid till t'other Eye was gone, Thou mightst have lov'd and jogg'd securely on. Yet may thy Council urge this prudent Plea, That by one Crime, thou has avoided three; For had a Mare or Sow attack'd thy Love, No human Form to save thy Life would move; Or had thy Lust been offer'd to a Male, All Vindications would and ought to fail; Or hadst thou sought a blooming Virgin's Rape, Thou shouldst not from the Penalty escape: But when the Object is long past her Flow'r, And brings no County-Charge, and wants no Dow'r; Who, slighted all her Life, would fain be ravish'd, Thou shouldst be pity'd for thy Love so lavish'd. _The American Weekly Mercury_, September 15, 1743 _An Over-Masted Privateer_ Sunday last the Tartar, Capt. Mackey, sail'd down the Bay in order to proceed on his Cruise, but being (as 'tis said) over-masted, and not well ballasted, she was unfortunately overset, by a slight Flaw of Wind, near the Capes, and sunk immediately in about 8 Fathom Water. The Captain with about 60 Officers and Seamen were saved in her Long-boat, and went ashore at the Cape; 14 were taken up by Capt. Plasket in a Pilot Boat; and Capt. Claes, who was coming in from Barbadoes, ran his Vessel near the Ship, and took up 47. The rest perished. 'Tis expected she will soon be weigh'd, and with some Alterations, fitted out again, as she is a most extraordinary Sailor; so that we hope our Enemies will hardly hear of the Misfortune, before they find they have no great Reason to rejoice at it. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 5, 1744 _American Privateers_ 'Tis computed that there are and will be before Winter 113 Sail of Privateers at Sea, from the _British American_ Colonies; most of them stout Vessels and abundantly well mann'd. A Naval Force, equal (some say) to that of the Crown of _Great-Britain_ in the Time of Queen _Elizabeth_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, August 30, 1744 _Account of Louisburgh_ As the _CAPE-BRETON_ Expedition is at present the Subject of most Conversations, we hope the following Draught (rough as it is, for want of good Engravers here) will be acceptable to our Readers; as it may serve to give them an Idea of the Strength and Situation of the Town now besieged by our Forces, and render the News we receive from thence more intelligible. EXPLANATION. 1. The Island Battery, at the Mouth of the Harbour, mounting 34 Guns, ------ Pounders. This Battery can rake Ships PLAN of the Town and Harbour of _LOUISBURGH_. fore and aft before they come to the Harbour's Mouth, and take them in the Side as they are passing in. 2. The Grand Battery, of 36 Forty-two Pounders, planted right against the Mouth of the Harbour, and can rake Ships fore and aft as they enter. 3. The Town N. East Battery, which mounts 18 Twenty-four Pounders on two Faces, which can play on the Ships as soon as they have entered the Harbour. 4. The Circular Battery, which mounts 16 Twenty four Pounders, stands on high Ground, and overlooks all the Works. This Battery can also gaul Ships, as soon as they enter the Harbour. 5. Three Flanks, mounting 2 Eighteen Pounders each. 6. A small Battery, which mounts 8 Nine Pounders. All these Guns command any Ship in the Harbour. 7. The Fort or Citadel, fortified distinctly from the Town, in which the Governor lives. 8. A Rock, called the Barrel. T The Center of the Town. L The Light-House. Every Bastion of the Town Wall has Embrasures or Ports for a Number of Guns to defend the Land Side. The black Strokes drawn from the several Batteries, shew the Lines in which the Shot may be directed. _CAPE-BRETON_ Island, on which _Louisburgh_ is built, lies on the South of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and commands the Entrance into that River, and the Country of _Canada_. It is reckon'd 140 Leagues in Circuit, full of fine Bays and Harbours, extreamly convenient for Fishing Stages. It was always reckon'd a Part of _Nova-Scotia_. For the Importance of this Place see our _Gazette_, No. 858. As soon as the French King had begun the present unjust War against the English, the People of _Louisburgh_ attack'd the _New-England_ Town of _Canso_, consisting of about 150 Houses and a Fort, took it, burnt it to the Ground, and carried away the People, Men, Women and Children, Prisoners. They then laid Siege to _Annapolis Royal_, and would have taken it, if seasonable Assistance had not been sent from _Boston_. Mr. _Duvivier_ went home to _France_ last Fall for more Soldiers, _&c_. to renew that Attempt, and for Stores for Privateers, of which they proposed to fit out a great Number this Summer, being the last Year unprovided: Yet one of their Cruisers only, took 4 Sail in a few Days, off our Capes, to a very considerable Value. What might we have expected from a dozen Sail, making each 3 or 4 Cruises a Year? They boasted that during the War they should have no Occasion to cut Fire-Wood, for that the Jackstaves of English Vessels would be a Supply sufficient. It is therefore in their own NECESSARY DEFENCE, as well as that of all the other _British_ Colonies, that the People of _New-England_ have undertaken the present Expedition against that Place, to which may the _GOD OF HOSTS_ grant Success. _Amen_. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, June 6, 1745 _Old Mistresses Apologue_ My dear Friend, June 25. 1745 I know of no Medicine fit to diminish the violent natural Inclinations you mention; and if I did, I think I should not communicate it to you. Marriage is the proper Remedy. It is the most natural State of Man, and therefore the State in which you are most likely to find solid Happiness. Your Reasons against entring into it at present, appear to me not well-founded. The circumstantial Advantages you have in View by postponing it, are not only uncertain, but they are small in comparison with that of the Thing itself, the being _married and settled_. It is the Man and Woman united that make the compleat human Being. Separate, she wants his Force of Body and Strength of Reason; he, her Softness, Sensibility and acute Discernment. Together they are more likely to succeed in the World. A single Man has not nearly the Value he would have in that State of Union. He is an incomplete Animal. He resembles the odd Half of a Pair of Scissars. If you get a prudent healthy Wife, your Industry in your Profession, with her good Economy, will be a Fortune sufficient. But if you will not take this Counsel, and persist in thinking a Commerce with the Sex inevitable, then I repeat my former Advice, that in all your Amours you should _prefer old Women to young ones_. You call this a Paradox, and demand my Reasons. They are these: 1. Because as they have more Knowledge of the World and their Minds are better stor'd with Observations, their Conversation is more improving and more lastingly agreable. 2. Because when Women cease to be handsome, they study to be good. To maintain their Influence over Men, they supply the Diminution of Beauty by an Augmentation of Utility. They learn to do a 1000 Services small and great, and are the most tender and useful of all Friends when you are sick. Thus they continue amiable. And hence there is hardly such a thing to be found as an old Woman who is not a good Woman. 3. Because there is no hazard of Children, which irregularly produc'd may be attended with much Inconvenience. 4. Because thro' more Experience, they are more prudent and discreet in conducting an Intrigue to prevent Suspicion. The Commerce with them is therefore safer with regard to your Reputation. And with regard to theirs, if the Affair should happen to be known, considerate People might be rather inclin'd to excuse an old Woman who would kindly take care of a young Man, form his Manners by her good Counsels, and prevent his ruining his Health and Fortune among mercenary Prostitutes. 5. Because in every Animal that walks upright, the Deficiency of the Fluids that fill the Muscles appears first in the highest Part: The Face first grows lank and wrinkled; then the Neck; then the Breast and Arms; the lower Parts continuing to the last as plump as ever: So that covering all above with a Basket, and regarding only what is below the Girdle, it is impossible of two Women to know an old from a young one. And as in the dark all Cats are grey, the Pleasure of corporal Enjoyment with an old Woman is at least equal, and frequently superior, every Knack being by Practice capable of Improvement. 6. Because the Sin is less. The debauching a Virgin may be her Ruin, and make her for Life unhappy. 7. Because the Compunction is less. The having made a young Girl _miserable_ may give you frequent bitter Reflections; none of which can attend the making an old Woman _happy_. 8thly and Lastly They are _so grateful!!_ Thus much for my Paradox. But still I advise you to marry directly; being sincerely Your affectionate Friend. _The Antediluvians Were All Very Sober_ The Antediluvians were all very sober For they had no Wine, and they brew'd no October; All wicked, bad Livers, on Mischief still thinking, For there can't be good Living where there is not good Drinking. Derry down 'Twas honest old Noah first planted the Vine, And mended his Morals by drinking its Wine; He justly the drinking of Water decry'd; For he knew that all Mankind, by drinking it, dy'd. Derry down. From this Piece of History plainly we find That Water's good neither for Body or Mind; That Virtue and Safety in Wine-bibbing's found While all that drink Water deserve to be drown'd. Derry down So For Safety and Honesty put the Glass round. _Appreciation of George Whitefield_ On Sunday the 20th Instant, the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ preach'd twice, tho' apparently much indispos'd, to large Congregations in the New-Building in this City, and the next Day set out for New-York. When we seriously consider how incessantly this faithful Servant (not yet 32 Years old) has, for about 10 Years past, laboured in his great Master's Vineyard, with an Alacrity and fervent Zeal, which an infirm Constitution, still daily declining, cannot abate; and which have triumphed over the most vigorous Opposition from whole Armies of invidious Preachers and Pamphleteers; under whose Performances, the Pulpits and Presses, of _Great-Britain_ and _America_, have groaned; We may reasonably think with the learned Dr. Watts_, "That he is a Man raised up by Providence in an uncommon Way, to awaken a stupid and ungodly World, to a Sense of the important Affairs of Religion and Eternity:" And the Lines of Mr. _Wesley_, concerning another young Methodist, may justly be applied to his dear Friend _Whitefield_ -- _Wise in his Prime, he waited not for Noon, Convinc'd that Mortals never liv'd too soon; As if foreboding here his little Stay, He makes his Morning bear the Heat of Day. No fair Occasion glides unheeded by, Snatching the Golden Moments as they fly, He by few fleeting Hours ensures Eternity._ His Sermons here this Summer have given general Satisfaction, and plainly proved the great Ability of the Preacher. His rich Fancy, sound and ripening Judgment, and extensive Acquaintance with Men and Books of useful Literature, have been acknowledg'd by every unprejudiced Person. Purity of Language, Perspicuity of Method, a ready Elocution, an engaging Address, and an apt Gesture, peculiar to this accomplish'd Orator, consider'd with his unspotted Character in private Life, have added Force to the plain strong Arguments, and pathetick Expostulations, wherewith his Discourses abounded. And, it cannot be doubted, that many have been awaken'd to a Sense of the Importance of Religion, and others have been built up in their most holy Christian Faith under his Ministry. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, July 31, 1746 _The Speech of Miss Polly Baker_ _The SPEECH of Miss_ Polly Baker, _before a Court of Judicature, at_ Connecticut _in_ New England, _where she was prosecuted the fifth Time for having a Bastard Child; which influenced the Court to dispense with her Punishment, and induced one of her Judges to marry her the next Day_. May it please the Honourable Bench to indulge me a few Words: I am a poor unhappy Woman; who have no Money to Fee Lawyers to plead for me, being hard put to it to get a tolerable Living. I shall not trouble your Honours with long Speeches; for I have not the presumption to expect, that you may, by any Means, be prevailed on to deviate in your Sentence from the Law, in my Favour. All I humbly hope is, that your Honours would charitably move the Governor's Goodness on my Behalf, that my Fine may be remitted. This is the Fifth Time, Gentlemen, that I have been dragg'd before your Courts on the same Account; twice I have paid heavy Fines, and twice have been brought to public Punishment, for want of Money to pay those Fines. This may have been agreeable to the Laws; I do not dispute it: But since Laws are sometimes unreasonable in themselves, and therefore repealed; and others bear too hard on the Subject in particular Circumstances; and therefore there is left a Power somewhere to dispense with the Execution of them; I take the Liberty to say, that I think this Law, by which I am punished, is both unreasonable in itself, and particularly severe with regard to me, who have always lived an inoffensive Life in the Neighbourhood where I was born, and defy my Enemies (if I have any) to say I ever wrong'd Man, Woman, or Child. Abstracted from the Law, I cannot conceive (may it please your Honours) what the Nature of my Offence is. I have brought Five fine Children into the World, at the Risque of my Life: I have maintained them well by my own Industry, without burthening the Township, and could have done it better, if it had not been for the heavy Charges and Fines I have paid. Can it be a Crime (in the Nature of Things I mean) to add to the Number of the King's Subjects, in a new Country that really wants People? I own I should think it rather a Praise worthy, than a Punishable Action. I have debauch'd no other Woman's Husband, nor inticed any innocent Youth: These Things I never was charged with; nor has any one the least cause of Complaint against me, unless, perhaps the Minister, or the Justice, because I have had Children without being Married, by which they have miss'd a Wedding Fee. But, can even this be a Fault of mine? I appeal to your Honours. You are pleased to allow I don't want Sense; but I must be stupid to the last Degree, not to prefer the honourable State of Wedlock, to the Condition I have lived in. I always was, and still am, willing to enter into it; I doubt not my Behaving well in it, having all the Industry, Frugality, Fertility, and Skill in Oeconomy, appertaining to a good Wife's Character. I defy any Person to say I ever Refused an Offer of that Sort: On the contrary, I readily Consented to the only Proposal of Marriage that ever was made me, which was when I was a Virgin; but too easily confiding in the Person's Sincerity that made it, I unhappily lost my own Honour, by trusting to his; for he got me with Child, and then forsook me: That very Person you all know; he is now become a Magistrate of this County; and I had hopes he would have appeared this Day on the Bench, and have endeavoured to moderate the Court in my Favour; then I should have scorn'd to have mention'd it; but I must Complain of it as unjust and unequal, that my Betrayer and Undoer, the first Cause of all my Faults and Miscarriages (if they must be deemed such) should be advanced to Honour and Power, in the same Government that punishes my Misfortunes with Stripes and Infamy. I shall be told, 'tis like, that were there no Act of Assembly in the Case, the Precepts of Religion are violated by my Transgressions. If mine, then, is a religious Offence, leave it, Gentlemen, to religious Punishments. You have already excluded me from all the Comforts of your Church Communion: Is not that sufficient? You believe I have offended Heaven, and must suffer eternal Fire: Will not that be sufficient? What need is there, then, of your additional Fines and Whippings? I own, I do not think as you do; for, if I thought, what you call a Sin, was really such, I would not presumptuously commit it. But how can it be believed, that Heaven is angry at my having Children, when, to the little done by me towards it, God has been pleased to add his divine Skill and admirable Workmanship in the Formation of their Bodies, and crown'd it by furnishing them with rational and immortal Souls? Forgive me Gentlemen, if I talk a little extravagantly on these Matters; I am no Divine: But if you, great Men, (*) must be making Laws, do not turn natural and useful Actions into Crimes, by your Prohibitions. Reflect a little on the horrid Consequences of this Law in particular: What Numbers of procur'd Abortions! and how many distress'd Mothers have been driven, by the Terror of Punishment and public Shame, to imbrue, contrary to Nature, their own trembling Hands in the Blood of their helpless Offspring! Nature would have induc'd them to nurse it up with a Parent's Fondness. 'Tis the Law therefore, 'tis the Law itself that is guilty of all these Barbarities and Murders. Repeal it then, Gentlemen; let it be expung'd for ever from your Books: And on the other hand, take into your wise Consideration, the great and growing Number of Batchelors in the Country, many of whom, from the mean Fear of the Expence of a Family, have never sincerely and honourably Courted a Woman in their Lives; and by their Manner of Living, leave unproduced (which I think is little better than Murder) Hundreds of their Posterity to the Thousandth Generation. Is not theirs a greater Offence against the Public Good, than mine? Compel them then, by a Law, either to Marry, or pay double the Fine of Fornication every Year. What must poor young Women do, whom Custom has forbid to sollicit the Men, and who cannot force themselves upon Husbands, when the Laws take no Care to provide them any, and yet severely punish if they do their Duty without them? Yes, Gentlemen, I venture to call it a Duty; 'tis the Duty of the first and great Command of Nature, and of Nature's God, _Increase and multiply_: A Duty, from the steady Performance of which nothing has ever been able to deter me; but for it's Sake, I have hazarded the Loss of the public Esteem, and frequently incurr'd public Disgrace and Punishment; and therefore ought, in my humble Opinion, instead of a Whipping, to have a Statue erected to my Memory. (*) _Turning to some Gentlemen of the Assembly, then in Court. _The Maryland Gazette_, August 11, 1747; first printed April 15, 1747 _Whitefield's Accounts_ _Extract of a Letter from the Reverend Mr._ Smith, _of_ Charles-Town, South-Carolina, _dated_ March 2. 1746-7. "Mr. WHITEFIELD's excellent Parts, fine Elocution, and masterly Address; His admirable Talent of opening the Scriptures, and enforcing the most weighty Subjects upon the Conscience; His polite and serious Behaviour; His unaffected and superior Piety; His Prudence, Humility, and Catholick Spirit, are Things which must silence and disarm Prejudice itself. By these Qualifications of the _Orator_, the _Divine_, and the _Christian_, He has not only fixed himself deeper in the Affections of his former Friends, but greatly increased the Number wherever he has preached; and made his Way into the Hearts of several, who, till this Visit, had said all the severe Things against him that _Enmity_ itself seemed capable of. He now seems to _reign_ over his Hearers, among whom are Gentlemen of the best Figure and Estate we have, and has gained some, whose former Prejudices one would have thought insuperable. As an Instance of our Affection and Esteem, no sooner was the Motion started by some particular Gentlemen, but, with the greatest Alacrity, and in a _very short_ Time, we subscribed, and gave him, much above _Two Hundred Pounds_ Sterling_; which we should not have done, but upon a firm Persuasion of the Sincerity of his Intentions. We hope we have laid an effectual Scheme for _tying_ him faster to _America_, which will give us the Satisfaction of seeing a Man we so highly esteem the oftener. These Things are so universally known in _this Town_, that you have free Leave to publish them, and to affix the Name of, _Dear Sir,_ _Your affectionate Friend and Servant,_ _JOSIAH SMITH_." _Extract of another Letter from South-Carolina, dated March_ 11_th_. "It is with Pleasure I can now assure you, that the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_ has more Friends in _Charlestown_ among Gentlemen, especially of Distinction and Substance, than ever heretofore. The Orator in the Pulpit, and the Gentleman and the Christian, happily united in Conversation, has triumph'd over a thousand Prejudices, and is become the Admiration of several, who before had conceiv'd the worst Idea of him imaginable. And since Actions are the best Expositors of the Heart, we have not been content to court his Company only, but, as a further Expression of our Esteem, have given him between two and three hundred Pounds Sterling." The above Extracts will, we doubt not, at once please the Friends of the Reverend Mr. _Whitefield_, and convince every candid Reader, that his Accounts of the Disposition of the Sums of Money heretofore collected for the Use of his _Orphan House_ in _Georgia_ are just; since it cannot be conceived that Gentlemen, who live so near to that House as _Charles-Town, South-Carolina_, and have daily Opportunities of knowing how the Affair is conducted, should contribute so generously to Mr. _Whitefield_, if they thought his former Collections were not duly applied. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 23, 1747 _Verses on the Virginia Capitol Fire_ _Mr. Printer,_ It may entertain the curious and learned Part of your Subscribers, if you give them the following genuine _Speech_ and _Address_, which, for the _Importance_ of the _Subject_, _Grandeur_ of _Sentiment_, and _Elegance_ of _Expression_, perhaps exceed Any they have hitherto seen. For the Benefit of more common Readers, I have turn'd them, with some Paraphrase, into _plain English Verse_. I am told by Friends, that my Performance is excellent: But I claim no other Praise than what regards my _Rhyme_, and my _Perspicuity_. All the other Beauties I acknowledge, are owing to the _Original_, whose true Sense I have every where follow'd with a scrupulous Exactness. If envious Critics should observe, that some of my Lines are _too short_ in their Number of Feet, I own it; but then, to make ample Amends, I have given _very good Measure_ in most of the others. I am, Sir, your constant Reader, NED. TYPE. * * * * * _The_ SPEECH _Versyfied_. L --- d have Mercy on us! -- the CAPITOL! the CAPITOL! is burnt down! O astonishing Fate! -- which occasions this Meeting in Town. And this _Fate_ proves a _Loss_, to be deplored the more, The said _Fate_ being th'_Effect_ of Malice and _Design_, to be sure. And yet 'tis hard to comprehend how a Crime of so flagitious a Nature, Should be committed, or even _imagined_, by any but an _irrational_ Creature. But when you consider, that the first _Emission of Smoke_ was not from below, And that Fires kindled by Accident _always burn slow_, And not with half the Fury as when they _burn on Purpose_ you know You'll be forced to ascribe it (with Hearts full of Sadness) To the horrid Machinations of desperate Villains, instigated by infernal Madness. God forbid I should accuse or excuse any without just Foundation, Yet I may venture to assert, -- for our own Reputation, That such superlative Wickedness never entred the Hearts of _Virginians_, who are the CREAM of the _British_ Nation. The Clerks have been examin'd, and clear'd by the May'r, Yet are willing to be examin'd again by you, and that's fair. And will prove in the Face of the Country, if requir'd, That it was not by their _Conduct_ our Capitol was fir'd. I must add, to do 'em Justice, that the Comfort we have, In enjoying our authentic Registers, which those Clerks did save, Is owing to their Activity, Resolution and Diligence, Together with Divine Providence. All which would have been in vain, I protest, If the Wind, at the bursting out of the Flames, had not changed from _East_ to _Northwest_. Our Treasury being low, and my Infirmities great, I would have kept you prorogu'd till the Revisal of the Laws was compleat; But this Misfortune befalling the _Capitol_ of the Capital of our Nation Require your immediate Care and Assistance for its _Instauration_. To press you in a Point of such Usefulness manifest, Would shew a Diffidence of your sincere Zeal for the public Interest For which you and I always make such a laudable Pother, And for which we've so often _applauded one Another_. The same public Spirit which within these Walls us'd to direct you all, Will determine you (as Fathers of your Country) to apply Means effectual For restoring the ROYAL FABRIC to its former Beauty And Magnificence, according to your Duty; With the like Apartments, elegant and spacious For all the _weighty_ purposes of Government, so capacious. Mean time the College and Court of Hustings our _Weight_ may sustain, But pray let us speedily have our CAPITOL, our _important_ CAPITOL again. _The COUNCIL's Answer_. We the King's _best Subjects_, the Council of this Dominion, Are deeply affected (as is every true _Virginian_) With the unhappy Occasion of our present Meeting: ------ In Troth we have but a sorry Greeting. We are also not a little touch'd (in the Head) with the same _Weakness_ as your Honour's, And therefore think this raging Fire which consum'd our _Capitol_, should incite us to reform our Manners: The best _Expedient_ at present to avert the Indignation divine, And _nobly_ to express our _Gratitude_ for the _Justice_, which (temper'd with Mercy) doth shine, In _preserving_ our Records, tho' Red hot, And like Brands pluck'd out of the Flames, in which they were going to pot, Without this _Expedient_ we shall be ruin'd quite. -- Besides, This FIRE puts us in Mind of NEW-LIGHT; And we think it Heav'n's Judgment on us for tolerating the Presbyterians, Whose Forefathers drubb'd ours, about a hundred Year-hence. We therefore resolve to abate a little of our Drinking, Gaming, Cursing and Swearing, And make up for the rest, by persecuting some itinerant Presbyterian. An _active Discharge_ of our _important_ Trusts, according to your Honour's Desire, Is the wisest _Project of Insurance_ that can be, of the Public Safety, from the Attempts of such as would _set it on fire_. 'Tis _a Project_ also for advancing the Honour and Interest of our King and Nation, And _a Project_ for engaging Heaven's Protection from Generation to Generation. We take this Opportunity, that we may not be suspected of Malignity, To congratulate you, Sir, on your Promotion to the Baronet's Dignity; A fresh Instance of just Regard to your long and faithful Services we say, Because from _Carthagena_ your Honour came safe away, And you lent and sent such _great Assistance_ for reducing CANADA. _The BARONET's Reply_. The just Sense you express for the Loss of our CAPITOL, which to be sure was a fatal Mishap, Your affectionate Concern for the _Infirmities of my Honour_, And Joy at my new Title, of which our good K -- g is the Donor, Claim sincere Acknowledgments of Thankfulness, And Gratitude, for this obliging Address. And, (lest here and hereafter we're left in the Lurch) To promote _true Religion_, (I mean our own Church) I'll heartily concur with you, and lend a few Knocks To suppress these confounding New Light Heterodox. Then if from our Sins, we also refrain, Perhaps we may have our CAPITOL! our dear CAPITOL! our glorious ROYAL CAPITOL again. _The New-York Gazette,_ June 1, 1747, supplement _The Necessity of Self-Defence_ Mr. _FRANKLIN_, The absolute and obvious Necessity of Self-Defence, in the present Conjuncture, occasioned me to consider attentively several Passages in the New Testament, from whence some have endeavoured to shew the Unlawfulness of Christians bearing Arms on any Account, wherein I had made a small Progress before hearing Mr. _Tennent_'s Sermon last _Thursday_ on that Occasion, which is so full and clear on the Subject, so well supported by Strength of Argument, and carried on with such masterly Judgment and Address, that I am of Opinion, the Publication thereof may sufficiently answer the most material Purposes in my View; wherefore I only now present you a few Thoughts which lay ready, on one particular Passage, as an Amusement to your Readers, till the above Sermon appears in Print, as I hear it soon will. When it is considered that some Kinds of War were held lawful amongst the primitive Christians, as appears evidently from many of the ancient Martyrs, who suffered Torture and Death, for their Faith in Jesus, and Constancy to the Christian Religion, being at the Time of such Martyrdom, actually in the Station of Soldiers, and this in the early Ages of Christianity, while the Streams flow'd pure from the Fountain, 'ere the Apostacy had crept in, or the holy Doctrines of Jesus and his Apostles, were exchanged for the corrupt Traditions of Men, being only a few Centuries from Christ, it may seem strange that any Christians should now deny the Lawfulness of defensive War, and attempt to infer from our Saviour's Answer and Command to the Disciple who drew a Sword in his Defence, that the Use of Arms is in all Cases forbid by Christ. For the better understanding this Matter, observe what the several Evangelists say theron. _Mark_ is very short: _One of them that stood by, drew a Sword, and smote a Servant of the High Priest, and cut off his Ear,_ chap. xiv. 47. _Luke_ only says; _When they which were about him saw what would follow, they said unto him, Lord, shall we smite with the Sword? And one of them smote the Servant of the High Priest, and cut off his right Ear. And Jesus answered and said, Suffer ye thus far, and he touched his Ear, and healed him_, Chap. xx. 49-51. This is all the Notice taken by _Mark_ and _Luke_, which implies not so much as a Prohibition of Arms, even on this Occasion. _John_ xviii. 10. writes; _Then Simon Peter having a Sword, drew it, and smote the High Priest's Servant, and cut off his right Ear. The Servant's Name was Malchus. Then said Jesus unto Peter, Put up thy Sword into the Sheath:_ The Reason follows, not that the Use of Arms is unlawful, but _The Cup which my Father hath given me, shall I not drink it?_ _Matthew_ is most full on the Passage, Chap. xxvi. 51,-54. _And behold one of them which were with Jesus, stretched out his Hand, and drew a Sword, and struck a Servant of the High Priest's, and smote off his Ear. Then said Jesus unto him, Put up again thy Sword into his Place; for all they that take the Sword, shall perish with the Sword. Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father, and he shall presently give me more than twelve Legions of Angels? But how then shall the Scripture be fulfilled, that thus it must be?_ From whence neither will it follow, that the Use of Arms is prohibited, since it must be granted, the Words, _All they that take the Sword, shall perish with the Sword_, cannot be understood in an absolute literal Sense, as to Individuals; it being evident that all Men who have taken the Sword, have not perished by the Sword, but many of them died in the common Course of Nature, by Diseases, or old Age: Nor will any, 'tis presum'd, be so uncharitable to suppose, this can be meant of the Souls of all those who have taken the Sword. The Passage therefore by no Means determines this Point, whether to use a Sword on any Occasion, be right or wrong; altho' it might have warned People against attempting to propagate the Christian Religion by Fire or Sword, and apparently tends to convince the _Jews_ of their great Mistake, in expecting the Messiah with outward Pomp and Regal Authority; also may be easily understood to illustrate the great Difference between Christ's Kingdom and those of Princes. If Force had been necessary to the former, an invincible Army of Angels would assuredly have conquered all Opposition, the Disciples poor Help had been quite needless: But the Defence of Christ's Kingdom not depending on Men or Angels, could have no Support from their Assistance, being neither liable to Change, or subject to Dissolution. _The Word of the Lord endureth for ever; and this is the Word which by the Gospel is preached unto you, 1 Pet. i. 24, 25. On the other Hand, the above quoted Words of Christ may either generally relate to the Revolutions and Periods of States, or in a more limited Sense (as in this Case of the Disciples) only signify, that all who persist in opposing their Swords, as private Men against the legal Authority of the Magistracy, shall perish with the Sword. Other Explications may be given, all _agreeing_ to demonstrate no Inconsistency in the Passage, unless taken in an absolute literal Sense, and without which, a total Prohibition or Discouragement of bearing Arms will not follow. The Words, _Put up again thy Sword into his Place_, convey an Idea very different to laying it aside for ever as unlawful; do they not rather hint, The Sword, when in its proper Place, is ready against a suitable Occasion. The Passage might be enlarged upon; but, in my Apprehension, no Construction appears more clear and easy, than the Text simply pointing out a Contradistinction between the Kingdom of Christ, and those of temporal Princes; carnal Weapons, tho' useful and necessary in the latter, are not only unlawful, but improper and ineffectual for establishing the former; and if Liberty may be taken to vary the concise, comprehensive Stile of Scripture into a familiar Way of Speech, the Sense of those Verses appears much the same as if Christ had said, "_Peter_, put up thy Sword on this Occasion, it is no Time now to use carnal Weapons; My Kingdom is not of this World, is neither capable of being supported, or liable to be subverted by the Sword, to the Dangers of which all earthly Kingdoms are continually exposed: Mine stands on a more sure Foundation, in the De-fence whereof, if Force availed, a most powerful Army of Angels would now descend to my Assistance." But in the 54th Verse an immediate Reason is given why our Saviour did not admit any kind of Defence to be made in his Behalf: It would frustrate the End of his Coming, and prevent the fulfilling of the Scriptures, which agrees with that given by St. _John_; and the whole Passage appears plainly to have no Relation to the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of using the Sword in any other Case than on the Score of Religion, but most particularly in preventing Christ being delivered to the _Jews_. From whence follows this most obvious Remark, That since Swords were by Christ commanded to be procured, yet forbidden to be used on this Occasion, they were certainly intended for some other Purpose: For the Injunction of providing them will presently be shewn in the strongest Terms; and we may here well use an Expression of _Cicero_ with redoubled Energy, _Quid Gladii volunt? quos habere certi non liceret, si uti illis nullo pacto liceret_. But in St. _Luke_, xxii. 35. we find very plainly Christ's Opinion of the Necessity of having Swords in these Words, _When I sent you without Purse, and Scrip, and Shoes, lacked ye any Thing? And they said, Nothing_. This was when our Lord sent his Disciples, Chapter x. 1. _Before his Face, into every City, and Place, whither he himself would come._ But now, when the Lord is about to be offered up, and his Disciples are to remain in the World, it seems they are not to expect a miraculous Support and Defence: For Christ says, Chapter xxii. 36. _But now, he that hath a Purse, let him take it, and likewise his Scrip, and he that hath no Sword, let him sell his Garment, and buy one._ _(He that hath a Purse, let him take it)_ Money, it seems, in the tedious Journey of human Life was lawful and necessary _(and likewise his Scrip)_ Provisions or Food were also; (_And he that hath no Sword, let him sell his Garment, and buy one)_ But a Sword was lawful, and still more necessary, even of greater Consequence than our very Clothes; and the Experience of Christians from that Time down to the present, may be appealed to, Whether Money and Provisions have not been found very useful, and, in many Cases, the Defence of Mens Lives and Liberties of greater Consequence than Food or Raiment; agreeable to our Saviour's Words in another Place, _Is not the Life more than Meat, and the Body than Raiment?_ Matth. vi. 25. Yet how punctually do some Christians perform the first and second Parts of this Injunction? Very diligently they provide Purse, and Scrip, yet neglect that most necessary Provision, the Sword, notwithstanding Food and Raiment are represented by Christ of so much less Consequence than Life, which, under Providence, is protected and defended by the Sword, and (on Account of its signal Use, no Doubt) is commanded to be purchased at the Expence of our Garments: Wherefor it is most plain some Use was to be made of Swords; but it has been already shewn that Christianity was not to be forced upon People by the Sword: What better Use then remains, than the Defence of our Country, and the Protection of the Helpless and Innocent? If any can be shewn more consistent with Christianity, or beneficial to Mankind, it would be kind in the _Quakers_ to inform those, whose present Measures of using Arms they condemn. Should some object, that on the Answer, Verse 38. _Lord, Behold here are two Swords_, Christ said, _It is enough_. Let them remember, that the same Proportion which was adjusted for the Disciples, is enough in most well peopled Countries. _I am Yours,_ &c. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, December 29, 1747, supplement _Devices and Mottoes of the Associators_ DEVICES and MOTTOES painted on some of the Silk Colours of the Regiments of Associators_, in and near _Philadelphia_. I. A Lion erect, a naked Scymeter in one Paw, the other holding the _Pennsylvania_ Scutcheon. Motto, PRO PATRIA. II. Three Arms, wearing different Linnen, ruffled, plain and chequed; the Hands joined by grasping each the other's Wrist, denoting the Union of all Ranks. Motto, UNITA VIRTUS VALET. III. An Eagle, the Emblem of Victory, descending from the Skies. Motto, A DEO VICTORIA. IV. The Figure of LIBERTY, sitting on a Cube, holding a Spear with the Cap of Freedom on its Point. Motto, INESTIMABILIS. V. An armed Arm, with a naked Faulchion in its Hand. Motto, DEUA ADJUVAT FORTES. VI. An Elephant, being the Emblem of a Warrior always on his Guard, as that Creature is said never to lie down, and hath his Arms ever in Readiness. Motto, SEMPER PARATUS. VII. A City walled round. Motto, SALUS PATRIAE, SUMMA LEX. VIII. A Soldier, with his Piece recover'd, ready to present. Motto, SIC PACEM QUERIMUS. IX. A Coronet and Plume of Feathers. Motto, IN GOD WE TRUST. X. A Man with a Sword drawn. Motto, PRO ARIS ET FOCIS. &c. &c. Most of the above Colours, together with the Officers Half-Pikes and Spontons, and even the Halberts, Drums, &c. have been given by the good Ladies of this City, who raised Money by Subscription among themselves for that Purpose. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, January 12, 1747/8 Continuation of Devices and Mottoes painted on some of the Silk Colours of the Regiments of Associators in this City and Country adjacent. XI. Three of the Associators marching with their Muskets shoulder'd, and dressed in different Clothes, intimating the Unanimity of the different Sorts of People in the Association; Motto, Vis Unita Fortior. XII. A Musket and Sword crossing each other; Motto, Pro Rege & Grege. XIII. Representation of a Glory, in the Middle of which is wrote _Jehovah_ _Nissi_, in English, The Lord our Banner. XIV. A Castle, at the Gate of which a Soldier stands Centinel; Motto, Cavendo Tutus. XV. David, as he advanced against Goliah, and slung the Stone; Motto, In Nomine Domini. XVI. A Lion rampant, one Paw holding up a Scymiter, another on a Sheaf of Wheat; Motto, Domine Protege Alimentum. XVII. A sleeping Lion; Motto, Rouze me if you dare. XVIII. Hope, represented by a Woman standing cloathed in blue, holding one Hand on an Anchor; Motto, Spero per Deum vincere. XIX. The Duke of Cumberland as a General; Motto, Pro Deo & Georgio Rege. XX. A Soldier on Horseback; Motto, Pro Libertate Patriae. _The Pennsylvania Gazette_, April 16, 1748 _Advice to a Young Tradesman, Written by an Old One._ To my Friend _A_. _B_. _As you have desired it of me, I write the following Hints, which have been of Service to me, and may, if observed, be so to you_. Remember that TIME is Money. He that can earn Ten Shillings a Day by his Labour, and goes abroad, or sits idle one half of that Day, tho' he spends but Sixpence during his Diversion or Idleness, ought not to reckon That the only Expence; he has really spent or rather thrown away Five Shillings besides. Remember that CREDIT is Money. If a Man lets his Money lie in my Hands after it is due, he gives me the Interest, or so much as I can make of it during that Time. This amounts to a considerable Sum where a Man has good and large Credit, and makes good Use of it. Remember that Money is of a prolific generating Nature. Money can beget Money, and its Offspring can beget more, and so on. Five Shillings turn'd, is _Six_: Turn'd again, 'tis Seven and Three Pence; and so on 'til it becomes an Hundred Pound. The more there is of it, the more it produces every Turning, so that the Profits rise quicker and quicker. He that kills a breeding Sow, destroys all her Offspring to the thousandth Generation. He that murders a Crown, destroys all it might have produc'd, even Scores of Pounds. Remember that Six Pounds a Year is but a Groat a Day. For this little Sum (which may be daily wasted either in Time or Expence unperceiv'd) a Man of Credit may on his own Security have the constant Possession and Use of an Hundred Pounds. So much in Stock briskly turn'd by an industrious Man, produces great Advantage. Remember this Saying, _That the good Paymaster is Lord of another Man's Purse_. He that is known to pay punctually and exactly to the Time he promises, may at any Time, and on any Occasion, raise all the Money his Friends can spare. This is sometimes of great Use: Therefore never keep borrow'd Money an Hour beyond the Time you promis'd, lest a Disappointment shuts up your Friends Purse forever. The most trifling Actions that affect a Man's Credit, are to be regarded. The Sound of your Hammer at Five in the Morning or Nine at Night, heard by a Creditor, makes him easy Six Months longer. But if he sees you at a Billiard Table, or hears your Voice in a Tavern, when you should be at Work, he sends for his Money the next Day. Finer Cloaths than he or his Wife wears, or greater Expence in any particular than he affords himself, shocks his Pride, and he duns you to humble you. Creditors are a kind of People, that have the sharpest Eyes and Ears, as well as the best Memories of any in the World. Good-natur'd Creditors (and such one would always chuse to deal with if one could) feel Pain when they are oblig'd to ask for Money. Spare 'em that Pain, and they will love you. When you receive a Sum of Money, divide it among 'em in Proportion to your Debts. Don't be asham'd of paying a small Sum because you owe a greater. Money, more or less, is always welcome; and your Creditor had rather be at the Trouble of receiving Ten Pounds voluntarily brought him, tho' at ten different Times or Payments, than be oblig'd to go ten Times to demand it before he can receive it in a Lump. It shews, besides, that you are mindful of what you owe; it makes you appear a careful as well as an honest Man; and that still encreases your Credit. Beware of thinking all your own that you possess, and of living accordingly. 'Tis a mistake that many People who have Credit fall into. To prevent this, keep an exact Account for some Time of both your Expences and your Incomes. If you take the Pains at first to mention Particulars, it will have this good Effect; you will discover how wonderfully small trifling Expences mount up to large Sums, and will discern what might have been, and may for the future be saved, without occasioning any great Inconvenience. In short, the Way to Wealth, if you desire it, is as plain as the Way to Market. It depends chiefly on two Words, INDUSTRY and FRUGALITY; _i. e._ Waste neither Time nor Money, but make the best Use of both. He that gets all he can honestly, and saves all he gets (necessary Expences excepted) will certainly become RICH; If that Being who governs the World, to whom all should look for a Blessing on their Honest Endeavours, doth not in his wise Providence otherwise determine. Philadelphia, B. Franklin and D. Hall, at the New-Printing-Office, 1748 _Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pensilvania_ Advertisement to the Reader. _It has long been regretted as a Misfortune to the Youth of this Province, that we have no_ ACADEMY, _in which they might receive the Accomplishments of a regular Education._ _The following Paper of_ Hints _towards forming a Plan for that Purpose, is so far approv'd by some publick-spirited Gentlemen, to whom it has been privately communicated, that they have directed a Number of Copies to be made by the Press, and properly distributed, in order to obtain the Sentiments and Advice of Men of Learning, Understanding, and Experience in these Matters; and have determin'd to use their Interest and best Endeavours, to have the Scheme, when compleated, carried gradually into Execution; in which they have Reason to believe they shall have the hearty Concurrence and Assistance of many who are Wellwishers to their Country._ _Those who incline to favour the Design with their Advice, either as to the Parts of Learning to be taught, the Order of Study, the Method of Teaching, the Oeconomy of the School, or any other Matter of Importance to the Success of the Undertaking, are desired to communicate their Sentiments as soon as may be, by Letter directed to_ B. Franklin, _Printer, in_ Philadelphia. AUTHORS _quoted in this_ PAPER. 1. The famous _Milton_, whose Learning and Abilities are well known, and who had practised some Time the Education of Youth, so could speak from Experience. 2. The great Mr. _Locke_, who wrote a Treatise on Education, well known, and much esteemed, being translated into most of the modern Languages of _Europe_. 3. _Dialogues on Education_, 2 Vols. Octavo, that are much esteem'd, having had two Editions in 3 Years. Suppos'd to be wrote by the ingenious Mr. _Hutcheson_ (Author of _A Treatise on the Passions_, and another on the _Ideas of Beauty and Virtue_) who has had much Experience in Educating of Youth, being a Professor in the College at _Glasgow_, &c. 4. The learned Mr. _Obadiah Walker_, who had been many Years a Tutor to young Noblemen, and wrote a Treatise _on the Education of a young Gentleman_; of which the Fifth Edition was printed 1687. 5. The much admired Mons. _Rollin_, whose whole Life was spent in a College; and wrote 4 Vols. on Education, under the Title of, _The Method of Teaching and Studying the Belles Lettres_; which are translated into _English_, _Italian_, and most of the modern Languages. 6. The learned and ingenious Dr. _George Turnbull_, Chaplain to the present Prince of _Wales_; who has had much Experience in the Educating of Youth, and publish'd a Book, Octavo, intituled, _Observations on Liberal Education, in all its Branches_, 1742. With some others. The good Education of Youth has been esteemed by wise Men in all Ages, as the surest Foundation of the Happiness both of private Families and of Common-wealths. Almost all Governments have therefore made it a principal Object of their Attention, to establish and endow with proper Revenues, such Seminaries of Learning, as might supply the succeeding Age with Men qualified to serve the Publick with Honour to themselves, and to their Country. (* 1) Many of the first Settlers of these Provinces, were Men who had received a good Education in _Europe_, and to their Wisdom and good Management we owe much of our present Prosperity. But their Hands were full, and they could not do all Things. The present Race are not thought to be generally of equal Ability: For though the _American_ Youth are allow'd not to want Capacity; yet the best Capacities require Cultivation, it being truly with them, as with the best Ground, which unless well tilled and sowed with profitable Seed, produces only ranker Weeds. That we may obtain the Advantages arising from an Increase of Knowledge, and prevent as much as may be the mischievous Consequences that would attend a general Ignorance among us, the following _Hints_ are offered towards forming a Plan for the Education of the Youth of _Pennsylvania_, viz. It is propos'd, THAT some Persons of Leisure and publick Spirit, apply for a CHARTER, by which they may be incorporated, with Power to erect an ACADEMY for the Education of Youth, to govern the same, provide Masters, make Rules, receive Donations, purchase Lands, _&c._ and to add to their Number, from Time to Time such other Persons as they shall judge suitable. That the Members of the Corporation make it their Pleasure, and in some Degree their Business, to visit the Academy often, encourage and (* 2) countenance the Youth, countenance and assist the Masters, and by all Means in their Power advance the Usefulness and Reputation of the Design; that they look on the Students as in some Sort their Children, treat them with Familiarity and Affection, and when they have behav'd well, and gone through their Studies, and are to enter the World, zealously unite, and make all the Interest that can be made to establish them (* 3), whether in Business, Offices, Marriages, or any other Thing for their Advantage, preferably to all other Persons whatsoever even of equal Merit. And if Men may, and frequently do, catch such a Taste for cultivating Flowers,ng, Grafting, Inoculating, and the like, as to despise all other Amusements for their Sake, why may not we expect they should acquire a Relish for that _more useful_ Culture of young Minds. _Thompson_ says, _'Tis Joy to see the human Blossoms blow, When infant Reason grows apace, and calls For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care; Delightful Task! to rear the tender Thought, To teach the young Idea how to shoot, To pour the fresh Instruction o'er the Mind, To breathe th' enliv'ning Spirit, and to fix The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast._ That a House be provided for the ACADEMY, if not in the Town, not many Miles from it; the Situation high and dry, and if it may be, not far from a River, having a Garden, Orchard, Meadow, and a Field or two. That the House be furnished with a Library (if in the Country, if in the Town, the Town (* 4) Libraries may serve) with Maps of all Countries, Globes, some mathematical Instruments, and Apparatus for Experiments in Natural Philosophy, and for Mechanics; Prints, of all Kinds, Prospects, Buildings, Machines, _&c_. (* 5) That the RECTOR be a Man of good Understanding, good Morals, diligent and patient, learn'd in the Languages and Sciences, and a correct pure Speaker and Writer of the _English_ Tongue; to have such Tutors under him as shall be necessary. That the boarding Scholars diet (* 6) together, plainly, temperately, and frugally. That to keep them in Health, and to strengthen and render active their Bodies, they be frequently (* 7) exercis'd in Running, Leaping, Wrestling, and Swimming (* 8) _&c_. That they have peculiar Habits to distinguish them from other Youth, if the Academy be in or near the Town; for this, among other Reasons, that their Behaviour may be the better observed. As to their STUDIES, it would be well if they could be taught _every Thing_ that is useful, and _every Thing_ that is ornamental: But Art is long, and their Time is short. It is therefore propos'd that they learn those Things that are likely to be _most useful_ and _most ornamental_. Regard being had to the several Professions for which they are intended. All should be taught to write a _fair Hand_, and swift, as that is useful to All. And with it may be learnt something of (* 9) _Drawing_, by Imitation of Prints, and some of the first Principles of Perspective. (* 10) _Arithmetick_, _Accounts_, and some of the first Principles of _Geometry_ and _Astronomy_. The (* 11) _English_ Language might be taught by Grammar; in which some of our best Writers, as _Tillotson_, _Addison_, _Pope_, _Algernoon Sidney_, _Cato_'s Letters, _&c_. should be Classicks: The _Stiles_ principally to be cultivated, being the _clear_ and the _concise_. Reading should also be taught, and pronouncing, properly, distinctly, emphatically; not with an even Tone, which _under-does_, nor a theatrical, which _over-does_ Nature. To form their Stile, they should be put on Writing (* 12) Letters to each other, making Abstracts of what they read; or writing the same Things in their own Words; telling or writing Stories lately read, in their own Expressions. All to be revis'd and corrected by the Tutor, who should give his Reasons, explain the Force and Import of Words, _&c_. To form their (* 13) Pronunciation, they may be put on making Declamations, repeating Speeches, delivering Orations, _&c_. The Tutor assisting at the Rehearsals, teaching, advising, correcting their Accent, _&c_. But if (* 14) HISTORY be made a constant Part of their Reading, such as the Translations of the _Greek_ and _Roman_ Historians, and the modern Histories of antient _Greece_ and _Rome_, &c. may not almost all Kinds of useful Knowledge be that Way introduc'd to Advantage, and with Pleasure to the Student? As GEOGRAPHY, by reading with Maps, and being required to point out the Places _where_ the greatest Actions were done, to give their old and new Names, with the Bounds, Situation, Extent of the Countries concern'd, _&c_. CHRONOLOGY, by the Help of _Helvicus_ or some other Writer of the Kind, who will enable them to tell _when_ those Events happened; what Princes were Cotemporaries, what States or famous Men flourish'd about that Time, _&c_. The several principal Epochas to be first well fix'd in their Memories. ANTIENT CUSTOMS, religious and civil, being frequently mentioned in History, will give Occasion for explaining them; in which the (* 15) Prints of Medals, Basso Relievo's, and antient Monuments will greatly assist. MORALITY, (* 16) by descanting and making continual Observations on the Causes of the Rise or Fall of any Man's Character, Fortune, Power, _&c_. mention'd in History; the Advantages of Temperance, Order, Frugality, Industry, Perseverance, _&c_. _&c_. (* 17) Indeed the general natural Tendency of Reading good History, must be, to fix in the Minds of Youth deep Impressions of the Beauty and Usefulness of Virtue of all Kinds, Publick Spirit, Fortitude, _&c_. _History_ will show the wonderful Effects of ORATORY, in governing, turning and leading great Bodies of Mankind, Armies, Cities, Nations. When the Minds of Youth are struck with Admiration at this, (* 18) then is the Time to give them the Principles of that Art, which they will study with Taste and Application. Then they may be made acquainted with the best Models among the Antients, their Beauties being particularly pointed out to them. Modern Political Oratory being chiefly performed by the Pen and Press, its Advantages over the Antient in some Respects are to be shown; as that its Effects are more extensive, more lasting, _&c_. _History_ will also afford frequent Opportunities of showing the Necessity of a _Publick Religion_, from its Usefulness to the Publick; the Advantage of a Religious Character among private Persons; the Mischiefs of Superstition, _&c_. and the Excellency of the CHRISTIAN RELIGION above all others antient or modern (* 19). _History_ will also give Occasion to expatiate on the Advantage of Civil Orders and Constitutions, how Men and their Properties are protected by joining in Societies and establishing Government; their Industry encouraged and rewarded, Arts invented, and Life made more comfortable: The Advantages of _Liberty_, Mischiefs of _Licentiousness_, Benefits arising from good Laws and a due Execution of Justice, _&c_. Thus may the first Principles of sound (* 20) _Politicks_ be fix'd in the Minds of Youth. On _Historical_ Occasions, Questions of Right and Wrong, Justice and Injustice, will naturally arise, and may be put to Youth, which they may debate in Conversation and in Writing (* 21). When they ardently desire Victory, for the Sake of the Praise attending it, they will begin to feel the Want, and be sensible of the Use of _Logic_, or the Art of Reasoning to _discover_ Truth, and of Arguing to _defend_ it, and _convince_ Adversaries. This would be the Time to acquaint them with the Principles of that Art. _Grotius_, _Puffendorff_, and some other Writers of the same Kind, may be used on these Occasions to decide their Disputes. (* 22) Publick Disputes warm the Imagination, whet the Industry, and strengthen the natural Abilities. When Youth are told, that the Great Men whose Lives and Actions they read in History, spoke two of the best Languages that ever were, the most expressive, copious, beautiful; and that the finest Writings, the most correct Compositions, the most perfect Productions of human Wit and Wisdom, are in those Languages, which have endured Ages, and will endure while there are Men; that no Translation can do them Justice, or give the Pleasure found in Reading the Originals; that those Languages contain all Science; that one of them is become almost universal, being the Language of Learned Men in all Countries; that to understand them is a distinguishing Ornament, _&c_. they may be thereby made desirous of learning those Languages, and their Industry sharpen'd in the Acquisition of them. All intended for Divinity should be taught the _Latin_ and _Greek_; for Physick, the _Latin_, _Greek_ and _French_; for Law, the _Latin_ and _French_; Merchants, the _French_, _German_, and _Spanish_: And though all should not be compell'd to learn _Latin_, _Greek_, or the modern foreign Languages; yet none that have an ardent Desire to learn them should be refused; their _English_, Arithmetick, and other Studies absolutely necessary, being at the same Time not neglected. If the new _Universal History_ were also read, it would give a _connected_ Idea of human Affairs, so far as it goes, which should be follow'd by the best modern Histories, particularly of our Mother Country; then of these Colonies; which should be accompanied with Observations on their Rise, Encrease, Use to _Great-Britain_, Encouragements, Discouragements, _&c_. the Means to make them flourish, secure their Liberties, _&c_. With the History of Men, Times and Nations, should be read at proper Hours or Days, some of the best _Histories of Nature_ (* 23), which would not only be delightful to Youth, and furnish them with Matter for their Letters, _&c_. as well as other History; but afterwards of great Use to them, whether they are Merchants, Handicrafts, or Divines; enabling the first the better to understand many Commodities, Drugs, _&c_. the second to improve his Trade or Handicraft by new Mixtures, Materials, _&c_. and the last to adorn his Discourses by beautiful Comparisons, and strengthen them by new Proofs of Divine Providence. The Conversation of all will be improved by it, as Occasions frequently occur of making Natural Observations, which are instructive, agreeable, and entertaining in almost all Companies. _Natural History_ will also afford Opportunities of introducing many Observations, relating to the Preservation of Health, which may be afterwards of great Use. _Arbuthnot_ on Air and _Aliment_, _Sanctorius_ on Perspiration, _Lemery_ on Foods, and some others, may now be read, and a very little Explanation will make them sufficiently intelligible to Youth. While they are reading Natural History, might not a little _Gardening_, _Planting_, _Grafting_, _Inoculating_, &c. be taught and practised; and now and then Excursions made to the neighbouring Plantations of the best Farmers, their Methods observ'd and reason'd upon for the Information of Youth. The Improvement of Agriculture being useful to all (* 24), and Skill in it no Disparagement to any. The History of _Commerce_, of the Invention of Arts, Rise of Manufactures, Progress of Trade, Change of its Seats, with the Reasons, Causes, _&c_. may also be made entertaining to Youth, and will be useful to all. And this, with the Accounts in other History of the prodigious Force and Effect of Engines and Machines used in War, will naturally introduce a Desire to be instructed in (* 25) _Mechanicks_, and to be inform'd of the Principles of that Art by which weak Men perform such Wonders, Labour is sav'd, Manufactures expedited, _&c. &c_. This will be the Time to show them Prints of antient and modern Machines, to explain them, to let them be (* 26) copied, and to give Lectures in Mechanical Philosophy. With the whole should be constantly inculcated and cultivated, that _Benignity of Mind_ (* 27), which shows itself in _searching for_ and _seizing_ every Opportunity _to serve_ and _to oblige_; and is the Foundation of what is called GOOD BREEDING; highly useful to the Possessor, and most agreeable to all (* 28). The Idea of what is _true Merit_, should also be often presented to Youth, explain'd and impress'd on their Minds, as consisting in an _Inclination_ join'd with an _Ability_ to serve Mankind, one's Country, Friends and Family; which _Ability_ is (with the Blessing of God) to be acquir'd or greatly encreas'd by _true Learning_; and should indeed be the great _Aim_ and (* 29) _End_ of all Learning. (* 1) As some Things here propos'd may be found to differ a little from the Forms of Education in common Use, the following Quotations are to shew the Opinions of several learned Men, who have carefully considered and wrote expresly on the Subject; such as _Milton_, _Locke_, _Rollin_, _Turnbull_, and others. They generally complain, that the _old Method_ is in many Respects wrong; but long settled Forms are not easily changed. For us, who are now to make a Beginning, 'tis, at least, as easy to set out right as wrong; and therefore their Sentiments are on this Occasion well worth our Consideration. Mr. _Rollin_ says (_Belles Lett. p._ 249. speaking of the Manner of Educating Youth) "Though it be generally a very wise and judicious Rule to avoid all Singularity, and to follow the received Customs, yet I question whether, in the Point we now treat of, this Principle does not admit of some Exception, and whether we ought not to apprehend the Dangers and Inconveniencies of blindly following the Footsteps of those who have gone before us, so as to consult _Custom_ more than _Reason_, and the governing our Actions rather by what others _do_, than by what they _should do_; from whence it often happens, that an Error once established is handed down from Age to Age, and becomes almost a certain Law, from a Notion, that we ought to act like the rest of Mankind, and follow the Example of the greatest Number. But human Nature is not so happy as to have the greatest Number always make the best Choice, and we too frequently observe the contrary." (* 2) _Rollin_, Vol. 2. p. 371. mentions a _French_ Gentleman, Mons. _Hersan_, who, "at his own Expence, built a School for the Use of poor Children, one of the finest in the Kingdom; and left a Stipend for the Master. That he himself taught them very often, and generally had some of them at his Table. He clothed several of them; and distributed Rewards among them from Time to Time, in order to encourage them to study." (* 3) Something seems wanting in _America_ to incite and stimulate Youth to Study. In _Europe_ the Encouragements to Learning are of themselves much greater than can be given here. Whoever distinguishes himself there, in either of the three learned Professions, gains Fame, and often Wealth and Power: A poor Man's Son has a Chance, if he studies hard, to rise, either in the Law or the Church, to gainful Offices or Benefices; to an extraordinary Pitch of Grandeur; to have a Voice in Parliament, a Seat among the Peers; as a Statesman or first Minister to govern Nations, and even to mix his Blood with Princes. (* 4) Besides the _English_ Library begun and carried on by Subscription in _Philadelphia_, we may expect the Benefit of another much more valuable in the Learned Languages, which has been many Years collecting with the greatest Care, by a Gentleman distinguish'd for his universal Knowledge, no less than for his Judgment in Books. It contains many hundred Volumes of the best Authors in the best Editions, among which are the _Polyglot_ Bible, and _Castel_'s Lexicon on it, in 8 large Vols. _Aldus_'s Septuagint, Apocrypha and New Testament, in _Greek_, and some other Editions of the same; most of the Fathers; almost all the _Greek_ Authors from _Homer_ himself, in divers Editions (and one of them in that of _Rome_, with _Eustathius_'s Commentaries, in 4 Vols.) to near the End of the 4th Century, with divers later, as _Photius_, _Suidas_, divers of the _Byzantine_ Historians; all the old Mathematicians, as _Archimedes_, _Apollonius_, _Euclid_, _Ptolomy_'s Geography and Almagest, with _Theon_'s Commentaries and _Diophantus_, in the whole above 100 Vols. in _Greek_ Folio's. All the old _Roman_ Classics without Exception, and some of them in several Editions (as all _Tully_'s Works in four Editions). All _Graevius_, _Gronovius_, _Salengre_'s and _Poleni_'s Collections of _Roman_ and _Greek_ Antiquities, containing above Five Hundred distinct Discourses in 33 Tomes, with some Hundreds of late Authors in _Latin_, as _Vossius_, _Lipsius_, _Grotius_, &c. A good Collection of Mathematical Pieces, as _Newton_ in all the three Editions, _Wallis_, _Huygens_, _Tacquet_, _Dechales_, &c. in near 100 Vols. in all Sizes, with some _Orientals_, _French_ and _Italian_ Authors, and many more _English_, &c. A handsome Building above 60 Feet in front, is now erected in this City, at the private Expence of that Gentleman, for the Reception of this Library, where it is soon to be deposited, and remain for the publick Use, with a valuable yearly Income duly to enlarge it; and I have his Permission to mention it as an Encouragement to the propos'd Academy; to which this noble Benefaction will doubtless be of the greatest Advantage, as not only the Students, but even the Masters themselves, may very much improve by it. (* 5) See in _Turnbull_, p. 415. the Description of the Furniture of the School called the _Instituto_ at _Bologna_, procur'd by the Care and Direction of Count _Marsigli_, and originally at his private Expence. (* 6) Perhaps it would be best if none of the Scholars were to diet abroad. _Milton_ is of that Opinion (_Tractate of Education_) for that much Time would else be lost, and many ill Habits got. (* 7) _Milton_ proposes, that an Hour and Half before Dinner should be allow'd for Exercise, and recommends among other Exercises, the handling of Arms, but perhaps this may not be thought necessary here. _Turnbull_, p. 318. says, "Corporal Exercise invigorates the Soul as well as the Body; let one be kept closely to Reading, without allowing him any Respite from Thinking, or any Exercise to his Body, and were it possible to preserve long, by such a Method, his Liking to Study and Knowledge, yet we should soon find such an one become no less soft in his Mind than in his outward Man. Both Mind and Body would thus become gradually too relaxed, too much unbraced for the Fatigues and Duties of active Life. Such is the Union between Soul and Body, that the same Exercises which are conducive, when rightly managed, to consolidate or strengthen the former, are likewise equally necessary and fit to produce Courage, Firmness, and manly Vigour, in the latter. For this, and other Reasons, certain hardy Exercises were reckoned by the Antients an essential Part in the Formation of a liberal Character; and ought to have their Place in Schools where Youth are taught the Languages and Sciences." (* 8) 'Tis suppos'd that every Parent would be glad to have their Children skill'd in _Swimming_, if it might be learnt in a Place chosen for its Safety, and under the Eye of a careful Person. Mr. _Locke_ says, p. 9. in his _Treatise of Education_; "'Tis that saves many a Man's Life; and the _Romans_ thought it so necessary, that they rank'd it with Letters; and it was the common Phrase to mark on